“Images of the Secret Self”: The Idea of the Non-Human in German Expressionist and Early American Horror Cinema

Author(s):  
Beáta Fenyvesi

In historian Leslie Fiedler’s book “Freaks: Myths and Images of the Secret Self” (1978), he argues that monsters are intriguing for us because we look at them as mirrors of ourselves. Although the fantasy of manipulating nature emerged centuries ago, Germany’s Expressionist silent cinema had its own place and message for using monsters. In the post-First World War climate, characters such as Cesare in Robert Wiene’s Cabinet of Dr. Caligari (1920), Paul Wegener and Carl Boese’s golem (1920), and Fritz Lang’s pseudo-Maria (1927) are all reflections of the era’s political situation. Meanwhile in the US, genetic imagery was a known and popular topic and movies like Frankenstein (1931) directed by James Whale were inspired by the German works. It also sums up the cultural, ethical, and moral issues of the 1920s, which are still valid today. Although the cultural environments of the two countries are different, they both make use of the same concept in order to show greed for power: the concept of the non-human.

Author(s):  
William G. Clarence-Smith

Faced with Moro Muslim resistance in the southern Philippines from 1898, America sought help from Middle Eastern rulers. The Ottoman Empire played the central role, although Egypt and Persia also became involved. In 1899 the American ambassador in Istanbul persuaded the sultan, as Caliph, to order the Moros to submit. In 1913 the Ottoman sultan appointed a ‘high teacher’ for the Moros, Shaykh Wajih al-Kilani, from Palestine. Expelled from the Philippines by the Americans in early 1914, Wajih went to Washington to plead his cause, but died in Virginia in 1916. The Ottomans usually relied on European consuls to protect their nationals resident in the Philippines, but the ‘Young Turks’ appointed a career consul in Manila in 1910–11. After April 1917, Ottoman subjects became ‘allies of enemy’, despite the largely ‘Syrian’ community protesting its allegiance to the USA. After the First World War, the US ceased to court Middle Eastern states.


2021 ◽  
pp. 133-149
Author(s):  
I. Vietrynskyi

The paper focuses on the initial stage of the formation of the Commonwealth of Australia, and the process of its establishing as an independent State. The international political context for the development of the country, from the period of creation of the Federation to the beginning of the Second World War, is primarily viewed. The Commonwealth’s international position, its place and role in the regional and global geopolitical processes of the early XX century, in particular in the context of its relations with Great Britain, are analyzed. The features of the transformation of British colonial policies on the eve of the First World War are examined. The specifics of the UK system of relations with Australia, as well as other dominions, are being examined. The features of status of the dominions in the British Empire system are shown. The role of the dominions and, in particular, the Commonwealth of Australia in the preparatory process for the First World War, as well as the peculiarities of its participation in hostilities, is analyzed. The significance of the actions of the First World War on the domestic political situation in Australia, as well as its impact on dominions relations with the British Empire, is revealed. The history of the foundation of the Australian-New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) and its participation in imperial forces on the frontline of the First World War is analyzed. The success and failure of its fighters, as well as the role of ANZAC, in the process of formation an Australian political nation are analyzed. The economic, humanitarian and international political consequences of the First World War for the Commonwealth of Australia are examined, as well as the influence of these consequences on the structure of relations between the dominions and the British Empire. The socio-economic situation of the Commonwealth of Australia on the eve of World War II, in particular the impact of the Great depression on the development of the country as a whole and its internal political situation in particular, is analyzed. The ideological, military-strategic and international political prerequisites for Australia’s entry into the Second World War are being considered.


Tempo ◽  
2000 ◽  
pp. 31-37
Author(s):  
Martin Anderson

Well, no. We are led by destiny, really. When I was very young, I was held to be a literary phenomenon. It was thought I was going to be an important writer. Even when I was very small, the teachers said ‘This child is already writing books’. I had an imagination, 1 knew my spelling and things like that almost from birth. And then when I was 14 years of age – in fact, on 11 November 1918, the day of the armistice of the First World War – my father died. My mother was ill, I had a younger sister – I became the head of the family. What could I do? I didn't have a trade, of course, but like every child I had learned the violin a little. Luckily at that time there were lots of cafés which had musicians who played waltzes. And it was the time of the silent cinema: there were little orchestras in the cinema. So I began to make my living like that, in Paris, and it was going alright. And one day I said to myself, it was fortunate that I had that; you should always do things seriously when you see that they stand up OK. It fed me and my family, so it was worth my while going on with it. So I continued to study the violin and I entered the Conservatoire.


Author(s):  
William E. Scheuerman

Carl Schmitt’s theory of emergency powers has garnered substantial attention in the aftermath of terrorist attacks on the US, UK, and Spain. Against those who underscore apparent discontinuities in Schmitt’s view of emergency government, or see him as advocating law-based and/or a constitutional model of emergency government, this chapter revisits three key historical and intellectual contexts—the First World War, the Weimar debate about Article 48, and the disintegration of Weimar democracy after 1930— to offer an alternative interpretation. The radical anti-legal character of Schmitt’s position, along with its underlying continuities, is emphasized. Three recent post 9/11 employments of Schmitt’s ideas about emergency power are then examined. Each is found inadequate, in part because each accepts too much of the underlying logic of Schmitt’s theory and thus becomes vulnerable to its normative and political frailties.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-59
Author(s):  
Ewelina Grygorczyk

This article is entitled Impact of the First World War on the political situation in France andin Poland. The author focuses on the analysis and comparison of the political situation in Franceand Poland after the First World War. She describes the changes that have taken place in thefield of politics in France and Poland during the interwar years. The aim of the article is to provethat the First World War had a different impact on the political situation in France and in Poland.


2019 ◽  
Vol 107 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron Jackson

The United States’ entry into the First World War prompted progressives to reform veterans’ entitlements in the hopes of creating a system insulated from corruption and capable of rehabilitating disabled veterans into productive members of society. The replacement of pensions with medical care for wounded and disabled soldiers through the Reconstruction Hospital System was originally intended as a temporary measure but resulted in establishing the foundations of the modern veterans’ health care system. Yet, these reforms would not have been possible without the support from the community of war veterans to which these reforms applied. By examining the communal values expressed in publications produced by and for soldiers, this paper explores the ways in which the Great War’s veteran community expressed agency in the process of reforming the US veteran entitlements.


2020 ◽  
pp. 172-180
Author(s):  
Elena Bagina ◽  
Margarita Arustamyan

The master plan of Yerevan created in 1924 by Alexander Tamanyan and Nikolay Buniatyan is a reflection of the military-political situation prevailing in Armenia after the First World War, the genocide of 1915, the revolutions in Turkey and Russia, the social illusions of the Armenian diaspora and political parties that set out to create an independent Republic of Armenia as a center for the preservation of Armenian culture. The change in the “client” of this project and the political plans did not affect the idea of a “garden city” and the planning principles laid down by Tamanyan. The activities of the Armenian Assistance Committee made it possible to realize the ideas of the master plan.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 248-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hyslop

Recent scholarship on seafarers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century has tended to emphasise the mobility and diverse geographical origins of the global steamship workforce. This article, while sharing that perspective, cautions that a more nuanced view is called for, which also recognises the limits of their mobility. In doing so, it suggests, more broadly, that the period before the First World War cannot be thought of simply as an ‘Age of Acceleration’, but also needs to be seen as a period in which new kinds of limitation to mobility emerged. In the British colonial port of Durban, although there was in this period a vast increase in shipping activity, seamen were subject to an intense regime of restriction. An immigration bureaucracy initially created to exclude Indian immigrants, also shut out sailors of all nationalities and races. A particular precipitant of this policy was the hostility of Natal officials to the crews of ‘cattleboats’, ships bringing livestock to southern Africa from the Mediterranean, Argentina, Australia, the US and elsewhere. Across the globe, immigration controls in this period were in general less intense than they became after 1914, but in some places, such as Durban, new forms of limitation on mobility were being tried out. The article also highlights the vast worldwide system of labour documentation operated by the British merchant marine through Shipping Offices and Consuls in almost every significant port. Mobility in the British Empire was radically differentiated, with numerous centres of power making their own claims to control movement.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Konrad Zieliński

AbstractThe First World War, and particularly the occupation by the Central States, had a great impact upon the relations of the Jews with the Poles. During this period, Polish-Jewish relations deteriorated. The growing economic problems as well as the rise of the nationalistic mood accompanying the approaching independence supported this tendency. At the same time, the new social and political situation, the relative liberalism of the occupying forces, the free elections, the activities of self-government, and the emergence of the Polish autonomous institutions created new possibilities for Polish-Jewish cooperation. Yet more often they actually multiplied the areas of conflict. In the autumn of 1918 there had been pogroms in the Kingdom of Poland: Polish-Jewish relations apparently worsened in big cities as well as in the small towns and the countryside, which earlier had been relatively free from anti-Semitism.


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