scholarly journals Consequences of Iraqi De-Baathification

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cherish M. Zinn
Keyword(s):  
Civil Service ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
First Order ◽  
Institutional Memory ◽  
Coalition Provisional Authority ◽  
The Way

Ambassador Paul Bremer of the Coalition Provisional Authority, America’s interim government between Saddam’s fall and the independent establishment of a new Iraqi government, issued two specific orders during his term which combined to create a power vacuum in the weakened nation. The first order, or the De-Baathification order, eliminated the top four tiers of Saddam’s Baath party from current and future positions of civil service. The second disbanded the Iraqi military. Both orders worked to eliminate the institutional memory of all Iraqi institutions, requiring Bremer to establish the nation’s new government from its foundations up. This resulted in a poor security situation that ultimately allowed a strong insurgency, recruited from unemployed disaffected youth, to develop, which paved the way for the beginnings of the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham.

A Reactive Culture

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi Hardt
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Culture ◽  
Learning Processes ◽  
Formal Learning ◽  
Memory Development ◽  
Key Characteristics ◽  
Institutional Memory ◽  
The Way

Chapter 7 explains why NATO’s institutional memory continues to develop in the way that it does – despite formal learning processes being underutilized. Findings in this chapter draw on the author’s survey-based interviews with 120 NATO elites. The chapter begins by arguing that NATO’s organizational culture locks-in elites’ preference for relying on informal processes and avoiding formal processes. Key characteristics of NATO’s culture posed challenges for identifying and reporting strategic errors. The organization’s norm of consensus made formal agreements on past strategic errors difficult. Moreover, NATO’s focus on reaction over retrospection and a broader culture of blame aversion provided elites with little incentive to break the tradition of reliance on informal processes for memory development. Elites described feeling continuous pressure to react to the crisis at hand and treat past crises as unique – leaving little reason to invest in learning from past failures.

The corruption of political elites in Iraq – an economic analysis

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haithem Kareem Sawaan
Keyword(s):  
Food Security ◽  
World Trade Organization ◽  
World Trade ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
Vicious Cycle ◽  
First Order ◽  
The World ◽  
Coalition Provisional Authority ◽  
Oil Revenues

This article examines the corruption of political elites in Iraq in the wake of the 2003 American occupation – a phenomenon that has had disastrous consequences for the country as well as astronomical fiscal costs. The corruption that has now become endemic has served not only to undermine reform and reconstruction efforts – while simultaneously accomplishing the embezzlement of billions of dollars – but also has left the Iraqi people exposed to a wide array of harms from contaminated wheat imports to an infrastructure in complete disarray to foreign machinations, including those of international food conglomerates. Through the acquiescence of corrupt Iraqi elites, the country has been laid open to external interests and foreign initiatives as well as those of the World Trade Organization (WTO) through means such as the 100 ‘orders’ signed by US ‘Ambassador’ Paul Bremer III under the auspices of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA). Graft and kickback schemes of every stripe are rife throughout the country, and monies donated in the form of international assistances have served to line the pockets of the corrupt, never reaching the intended recipients among the average Iraqi population in many instances. The vicious cycle is further perpetuated also through a corrupt judiciary that militates against any sort of meaningful transparency or oversight. Corruption, and that of the powerful elites in particular, has not only squandered genuine development opportunities that might have benefited the country at large and done much good to facilitate reconstruction efforts, but also it has – for the foreseeable future – thrown the issues of Iraqi oil revenues and food security as well as that of national sovereignty into a peril of the first order.

Situating Islamic State’s Message

2019 ◽  
pp. 50-83
Author(s):  
Mehdi Laghmari
Keyword(s):  
Social Dynamics ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Full Spectrum ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
The Way

This chapter offers a presentation of the message conveyed in Islamic State (IS) propaganda, as well as an in-depth exploration of its social and theological origins. The chapter thus clarifies the various theological interpretations and social dynamics that constitute the foundation of IS’s message and make it appealing for some. The key concepts structuring IS’s message are highlighted, their origins and evolutions are traced, and the way these concepts have eventually come to coalesce into an autonomous message distinct from those enunciated by other Islamist groups is explained. Such a “genealogy”—ranging from medieval thinker Ibn Taymiyyah to 2018 IS—is required to fully understand how these particular dimensions of this message are articulated and disseminated in specific ways by the various outlets constituting IS’ “full-spectrum propaganda” (magazines, videos, books, etc.).

Speicherung des labilen Silaethens Me2Si=C(SiMe3)2 mit N-Trimethylsilyl-benzophenonimin Ph2C=NSiMe3 / Storing of the Labile Silaethene Me2Si=C(SiMe3)2 with N-Trimethylsilyl-benzophenoneimine Ph2C=NSiMe3

1987 ◽  
Vol 42 (9) ◽  
pp. 1055-1061 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nils Wiberg ◽  
G. Preiner ◽  
G. Wagner ◽  
H. Köpf ◽  
G. Fischer
Keyword(s):  
Rate Constants ◽  
Ene Reaction ◽  
First Order ◽  
Insertion Product ◽  
The Way

N-Trimethylsilyl-benzophenoneimine Ph2C=NSiMe3 is able to “store" the silaethene Me2Si = C(SiMe3)2 (1). produced from Me2SiF-CLi(SiMe3)2, under formation of a [2+4]- and [2+2]-cycloadduct (2, 3), respectively. Above 60 °C (above 120 °C) 2 or 3 by the way of 1 transform into a 1:5 mixture of 2 and 3 (into a 1:1 mixture of the dimer of 1 and the insertion product of 1 into the SiN-bond of Ph2C=NSiMe3). In the presence of 2,3-dimethyl-1.3-butadiene (dmb), 2 or 3 form by way of the reaction of the intermediate 1 with dmb a [2 + 4]-cycloadduct (75%) and an ene reaction product (25%). The rate constants of the first order decomposition of 2 or 3 in the presence of dmb (80 °C. solvents like Et2O, Q6H6 are in the order of 2x10-4s-1 (τ1/2ca. 1 h) and 3x10-5s-1 (τ1/2 ca. 6 h). respectively.

Barack Obama, being sharp

Gesture ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Lempert
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Precision Grip ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
Second Order ◽  
First Order ◽  
Political Oratory ◽  
The Way

Gesture in political oratory and debate is renowned for its nonreferential indexical functions, for the way it purportedly can indicate qualities of speaker and materialize acts of persuasion — functions famously addressed in Quintilian’s classic writings but understudied today. I revisit this problematic through a case study of precision-grip (especially thumb to tip of forefinger) in Barack Obama’s debate performances (2004–2008). Cospeech gesture can index valorized attributes of speaker — not directly but through orders of semiotic motivation. In terms of first-order indexicality, precision-grip highlights discourse in respect of information structure, indicating focus. In debate, precision grip has undergone a degree of conventionalization and has reemerged as a second-order pragmatic resource for performatively “making a ‘sharp’, effective point.” Repetitions and parallelisms of precision grip in debate can, in turn, exhibit speaker-attributes, such as being argumentatively ‘sharp’, and from there may even partake in candidate branding.

scholarly journals Der Schutzvertrag von Raqqa und die Verlautbarung von Mosul. Ein Beitrag zur Diskussion über den „Islamischen Staat im Irak und in Syrien“

2015 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Henning Sievert
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
First Century ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Islamic Tradition ◽  
The Status ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
The Way

AbstractThis contribution examines two documents issued by the terrorist organisation known as the ‘Islamic State in Iraq and Syria’ (IS) regarding the status and treatment of non-Muslims, namely the protection treaty with the Christians of Raqqa and the ultimatum to the Christians of Mosul. As IS’ claim to represent true Islam should be judged by the way in which they relate to Islamic tradition, the documents’ texts are presented with a commentary and translation. Both documents arbitrarily combine elements from authoritative texts with twenty first-century attitudes, disregarding more than a thousand years of Islamic scholarship. The Raqqa treaty, in particular, is part of the organisation’s professional public relations policy.

Some Trends in the International Civil Service

1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 520-537
Author(s):  
Peter Lengyel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Personal Experience ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Way

Much has been written about the international civil service. The more serious literature is often produced by those who have had at least a limited personal experience within one or the other of the Secretariats, and some of it is by veterans of many years’ standing. Other writings range all the way from popular attempts to bring home to the wider public the spirit and objectives of this relatively new profession to the kind of running, petty vendettas pursued by certain factions, such as the Beaver brook press in Great Britain and isolationist or xenophobic elements in the United States, France, and elsewhere, against what they conceive to be the thin end of a subversive wedge which will eventually sunder national sovereignties and the freedom of an already largely illusory power of self determination.

scholarly journals Logarithmic expansion of field theories: higher orders and resummations

2021 ◽  
Vol 81 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Branchina ◽  
Alberto Chiavetta ◽  
Filippo Contino
Keyword(s):  
Field Theory ◽  
Quantum Field Theory ◽  
Finite Order ◽  
Weak Coupling ◽  
Field Theories ◽  
Quantum Field ◽  
First Order ◽  
Free Theory ◽  
Formal Expansion ◽  
The Way

AbstractA formal expansion for the Green’s functions of a quantum field theory in a parameter $$\delta $$ δ that encodes the “distance” between the interacting and the corresponding free theory was introduced in the late 1980s (and recently reconsidered in connection with non-hermitian theories), and the first order in $$\delta $$ δ was calculated. In this paper we study the $${\mathcal {O}}(\delta ^2)$$ O ( δ 2 ) systematically, and also push the analysis to higher orders. We find that at each finite order in $$\delta $$ δ the theory is non-interacting: sensible physical results are obtained only resorting to resummations. We then perform the resummation of UV leading and subleading diagrams, getting the $${\mathcal {O}}(g)$$ O ( g ) and $${\mathcal {O}}(g^2)$$ O ( g 2 ) weak-coupling results. In this manner we establish a bridge between the two expansions, provide a powerful and unique test of the logarithmic expansion, and pave the way for further studies.

scholarly journals Ministeriële kabinetten als flexibele brug tussen politiek en administratie : Een onderzoek naar de instroom in de ministeriële kabinetten

Res Publica ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 627-650
Author(s):  
Christophe Pelgrims
Keyword(s):  
Human Resources ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
Onderzoek Naar ◽  
The Way

Handbooks of political science aften refer to the minister and the civil service as actors in the policy process. In theory, this representation is correct. However, in Belgium and in Flanders ministers construct a ministerial cabinet around them. The cabinet takes over different tasks from policy preparation to evaluation. In this respect, it reduces the civil service to an office that is only responsible for the implementation of policy.  Frequently political-historical reasons are used to explain the existence of the system of ministerial cabinets. Nevertheless, these are not the only reasons. Ministerial cabinets also exist because of organisational and cultural reasons. Understanding the ministerial cabinet, means understanding the way ministers want to work. This article highlights the way ministerial cabinets work, with a focus on Human Resources aspects. This gives information in which direction the civil service should move to fulfil the role of a good partner for the minister.

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