Reproduction between Health and Sickness : Doctors’ Attitudes to Reproductive Issues in Interwar Czechoslovakia

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-327
Author(s):  
Veronika Lacinová Najmanová
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
Medical Literature ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
Body Of Knowledge ◽  
Current Topic ◽  
The Press ◽  
Political Background ◽  
Health And Sickness

The study examines how doctors in interwar Czechoslovakia intervened in reproductive issues and related areas of life in an attempt to combat the declining birthrate, a trend that was considered a threat to society. Inspired by Foucault’s concept of medicalization and biopower, through the analysis of medical literature and articles from the press in the interwar period, I will demonstrate how Czechoslovak doctors, not only but especially under the influence of eugenics, foregrounded the categories of health and sickness in order to assert definitions of “correct” forms of reproduction while attempting to stigmatize and discourage forms of reproduction that they considered detrimental to the health of society or the nation. The aim of the study is not only to expand the body of knowledge about the activities and attitudes of Czechoslovak doctors in the interwar period but also to call attention to the still current topic of the political background of reproductive policy.

„Balkan-Wien“ – Versuch einer Verflechtungsgeschichte der politischen Emigration aus den Balkanländern im Wien der Zwischenkriegszeit (1918–1934) / “Balkan Vienna” – Reflections on an Histoire croisée of Political Emigration from the Balkans to Vienna during the Interwar Period (1918–1934)

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 268-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Jens Schmitt
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
External View ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Press ◽  
Mental Map

Abstract This paper follows “Balkan Vienna”, a media phenomenon as well as a media construct created both by the Viennese press and from the perspective of the Balkans themselves. The decline of the once brilliant capital of the great empire into a hotbed of revolutionaries and terrorists was recorded in Belgrade with scorn and fear. In Vienna, the press addressed these events in terms that sought to distance the capital from the southeast. However, at the same time the Viennese press admired the political activists from the Balkans, exoticising them as heroes. Thus, the press externalised Austrian domestic contradictions through their discussions of Balkan politics. By reporting scandal and sleaze, the press perpetuated the image of Vienna as a refuge for revolutionary activities and “typical Balkan” violence. “Balkan Vienna” is thus a social and political place, one of local, national, transnational, Balkanic and European linkages. As such, it is part of a new discourse, which relocates the internal and external view of Vienna and Austria on the mental map of Europe.

„Balkan-Wien“ – Versuch einer Verflechtungsgeschichte der politischen Emigration aus den Balkanländern im Wien der Zwischenkriegszeit (1918–1934) / “Balkan Vienna” – Reflections on an Histoire croisée of Political Emigration from the Balkans to Vienna during the Interwar Period (1918–1934)

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Jens Schmitt
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
External View ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Press ◽  
Mental Map

AbstractThis paper follows “Balkan Vienna”, a media phenomenon as well as a media construct created both by the Viennese press and from the perspective of the Balkans themselves. The decline of the once brilliant capital of the great empire into a hotbed of revolutionaries and terrorists was recorded in Belgrade with scorn and fear. In Vienna, the press addressed these events in terms that sought to distance the capital from the southeast. However, at the same time the Viennese press admired the political activists from the Balkans, exoticising them as heroes. Thus, the press externalised Austrian domestic contradictions through their discussions of Balkan politics. By reporting scandal and sleaze, the press perpetuated the image of Vienna as a refuge for revolutionary activities and “typical Balkan” violence. “Balkan Vienna” is thus a social and political place, one of local, national, transnational, Balkanic and European linkages. As such, it is part of a new discourse, which relocates the internal and external view of Vienna and Austria on the mental map of Europe.

scholarly journals „An meine getreuen österreichischen Völker“. Das „Völkermanifest“ Karls I. vom 16. Oktober 1918 – Ein später Versuch zur Abwendung des Zerfalls der Habsburgermonarchie?

2015 ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Jakob Franz Kathrein
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Charles I ◽  
The Press ◽  
Political Background

“An meine getreuen österreichischen Völker“. The “Völkermanifest“ of Charles I of Austria from October 16th, 1918 – A late attempt to avoid the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire? Charles I of Austria was Habsburg’s last emperor. The interpretations of his person and reign range from the mythical “emperor of peace“ to the powerless ruler who sees his empire falling apart. On October 16th, 1918, Charles enacted the “Völkermanifest“. The purpose of this paper is to examine the central reasons for this enactmen as well as the political background and driving powers. Was the Manifest the attempt of a monarch to avoid the apparantly inevitable decline of his empire? What are the circumstances of the Manifest’s evolution and why did it fail? The examination focusses also on the reactions of politics, population and the press to the Manifest’s decree.

‘Ill Used by our Government’: The Darien Venture, King William and the Development of Opposition Politics in Scotland, 1695–1701

2019 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachael E. Comunale
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
New World ◽  
Significant Proportion ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Press ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
Political Factions

This article examines the development of political opposition in Scotland from 1695 to 1701 in the context of the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies. It is argued that the potency of the political movement inspired by Darien derived from the view that King William was directly implicated in the failure of the colony. Three episodes in the Company's history—the loss of subscriptions in Hamburg, the appearance of memorials in the new world prohibiting English aid to the colony and the imprisonment of Darien sailors by the Spanish authorities—are examined in detail. The ramification of these controversies was increasingly seen as the result not of English interference, but rather the crown's refusal to act on behalf of the Company. Because a significant proportion of the population was invested in the Company, and because the press helped to keep Darien in the forefront of public consciousness, these issues transformed Darien into a major political grievance that united disparate political factions in support of a single cause. Although the alliance inspired by Darien was temporary, it, nonetheless, played a crucial role in disrupting the political status quo.

V.V. Rozanov Among Parties and Politicians

2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 165-170
Author(s):  
Aleksey V.  Lomonosov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Editorial Office ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Political Journalism ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Journal Editorial ◽  
Political Essays

The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola

A Stellenbosch University #FeesMustFall Herstory: Reflections of a So-Called "Radical Black Intersectional Feminist"

Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashanti Kunene
Keyword(s):  
The Body ◽  
Self Reflection ◽  
Body Of Knowledge ◽  
Patriarchal Narratives

#FeesMustFall was a movement whose maxim was, “This revolution will be intersectional, or it will be bullshit.” This article is a self-reflection on my participation as a so-called radical black intersectional feminist in the #FeesMustFall movement at Stellenbosch University. It is also an attempt to provide evidence of the double erasures taking place in the mainstream patriarchal narratives about the #FeesMustFall movement. My story bears witness to the fact that queer black womxn were the backbone of the movement and that #FeesMustFall did indeed occur at Stellenbosch University. These constitute the double erasures taking place in terms of what is and can be known about the #FeesMustFall movement. My reflections serve to make a much-needed contribution to the body of knowledge produced about the #FeesMustFall movement.

The pragmatics of absurdity

2019 ◽  
pp. 108-137
Author(s):  
O. I. Kiyanskaya ◽  
D. M. Feldman
Keyword(s):  
Political Context ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Socialist State ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Press

The analysis is focused on the pragmatics of V. Lenin’s articles ‘Party Organization and Party Literature’ [‘Partiynaya organizatsia i partiynaya literatura’] (1905) and ‘How to Ensure Success of the Constituent Assembly (on freedom of the press)’ [‘Kak obespechit uspekh Uchreditelnogo sobraniya (o svobode pechati)’] (1917). Foreign and Russian scholars alike considered the two works as components of the concept of Socialist state literature and journalism, conceived before the Soviet era. Based on examination of the political context, this work proves that Lenin was driven to write the articles by his fight for leadership in RSDRP. In 1905, Lenin obtained control over Novaya Zhizn, the newspaper under M. Gorky’s editorship, and insisted that opponents had to follow his censorship guidelines: the press had to become a propaganda tool rather than a source of income. Twelve years on, Lenin’s principles still reigned. 

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