V.V. Rozanov Among Parties and Politicians

2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 165-170
Author(s):  
Aleksey V.  Lomonosov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Editorial Office ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Political Journalism ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Journal Editorial ◽  
Political Essays

The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola

The Political Theory of German Fascism

1934 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick L. Schuman
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Surface Phenomena ◽  
Social Psychological ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Social ◽  
Changing Patterns

In dealing with the evolution of political thought, most historians and social scientists, until recently at least, have tended to view political behavior and the changing patterns of power in society as rational implementations of dynamic ideas. They have accordingly concerned themselves more with the development of abstract philosophical systems than with the social-psychological contexts conditioning this development. To other observers, more Marxian than Hegelian in their outlook, all political ideas are but reflections of the economic interests and class ideologies of the various strata of society. This school therefore probes for the secrets of political and social change, not in the surface phenomena of ideas, but in the progress of technology and in the shifting economic relations of groups and classes within the social hierarchy. Still others, few in number as yet, have adopted Freud as their guide.

WILLIAM MANNING AND THE POLITICAL THEORY OF THE DEPENDENT CLASSES

2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALEX GOUREVITCH
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Common Good ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early American ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Social ◽  
Republican Liberty ◽  
Modern Republicanism ◽  
American Farmer

This article reappraises the political ideas of William Manning, and through him the trajectory of early modern republicanism. Manning, an early American farmer writing in the 1780s and 1790s, developed the republican distinction between “the idle Few” and “the laboring Many” into a novel “political theory of the dependent classes.” On this theory, it is the dependent, laboring classes who share an interest in social equality. Because of this interest, they are the only ones who can achieve and maintain republican liberty. With this identification of the interests of the dependent classes with the common good, Manning inverted inherited republican ideas, and transformed the language of liberty and virtue into one of the first potent, republican critiques of exploitation. As such, he stands as a key figure for understanding the shift in early modern republicanism from a concern with constitutionalism and the rule of law to the social question.

Conclusions

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Rebeggiani
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Valerius Flaccus

This chapter recapitulates the volume’s main achievements and sketches ways for expanding its methodology to other texts and to parts of Statius’ poem not covered in this book. It suggests that Valerius Flaccus’ epic is influenced by the same anti-Neronian ideology discussed in Chapter 1 and, like the Thebaid, reflects on the topic of imperial succession. The chapter surveys the political relevance of the Lemnos episode. It also argues that Statius’ reflection on the epic hero’s oscillation between the two poles of god and beast (discussed in Chapter 3 with reference to Capaneus and Tydeus especially) concerns other figures in the poem as well (Hippomedon, and by contrast Amphiaraus and Parthenopaeus). Finally, the chapter contains a summary of political views articulated by Statius in the Thebaid and suggests that the political ideas embedded in the poem were particularly close to the position of groups of survivors of Nero.

Transmitting Ideology

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
Rahul Verma
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
English Language ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
The Media ◽  
Special Provision

Ideology is transmitted to citizens through multiple pathways, each of which provide heuristic cues to ordinary voters. Citizens form their political views through the efforts of political parties and the political elite; their socialization, especially the kind of education they receive; the media; and through their activities in the social organization including religious associations. In India, those who are more religiously active, get their news from local and vernacular media, and do not speak English language are less likely to support either an active role for the state in transforming social norms or making special provision for some groups. Indians who are members of civil society, consume English-language media, and speak English are more likely to favor statism and recognition.

scholarly journals Left views on liberal protests in Russia (review of Osin's monograph «Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects»)

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 85-91
Author(s):  
A. Matyukhin
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Associate Professor ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sociological Research ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
Left Movement

This review is an analysis of the monograph of Roman Osin, candidate of philosophy, associate Professor of the Department of fundamental legal and social-humanitarian disciplines at synergy University "Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects". The monograph examines the political and socio-class nature of the mass protests of 2011-2013 from the perspective of Marxist methodology and tactics of the Russian left movement in them. The monograph is of interest both from the point of view of studying the protest and left-wing movements of the early 2010s, and from the point of view of the methodology for understanding the phenomenon of "color" revolutions in General. The author analyzes the social composition of the protesters, their political views, as well as the political forces of the protest and their tactics based on the empirical material of sociological research, as well as personal experience of participating in the ongoing processes. Based on the study, R.S. Osin concludes that the protest was generally "petty-bourgeois" in nature and could not lead to fundamental changes in the basis of society. At the same time, from the author's point of view, this protest was an important milestone in the development of the politicization of Russian society and could not fail to be a useful experience for Russian citizens. Analyzing the tactics of the left forces, R.S. Osin notes as a disadvantage the political and ideological inconsistency of many left-wing organizations, which benefited the liberal protest forces or the authorities. From the point of view Of R.S. Osin, the most correct tactic was the tactics of those organizations that simultaneously opposed the liberal and state-Patriotic forces, which in practice means participating in protests with their own independent agenda. In conclusion, R.S. Osin expresses his own point of view on the need for fundamental changes in society, reveals the concept of social and political revolutions, and also States the thesis that only the organized labor movement and other layers of workers can change the system of industrial relations in the country. Despite the obvious ideological color of the work and the use of exclusively Marxist methodology as the research base, R.S. Osin's monograph is of scientific interest and can be used to study the modern protest and left-wing movement.

The Depoliticized Drama

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurenz Lütteken
Keyword(s):  
Social Function ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
The Political ◽  
Comic Opera ◽  
Lorenzo Da Ponte ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Stage Play ◽  
Joseph Ii ◽  
Working Out

This chapter examines how Wolfgang Amadé Mozart’s comic opera Le Nozze di Figaro was affected by the practice of censorship during the Josephine Enlightenment. It first discusses three aspects of Le Nozze di Figaro’s genesis as mentioned by Lorenzo Da Ponte: Mozart’s choice of the stage play La folle journée by Pierre Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais; the remarkably quick working out of the score; and permission for performance. It then analyzes the circumstances surrounding the censoring of Beaumarchais’s performance of La folle journée and the opera’s release. It also evaluates freedom of the press and censorship in Austria under Joseph II, who accelerated and radicalized the implementation of reforms in the spirit of a controlled enlightenment. Finally, the chapter considers Beaumarchais’s theory of comedy in which he emphasized the social function of theater, albeit not in the political sense that was claimed in the subsequent reception of Figaro.

The Social Roles of Polish Sociologists after 1945

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 735-765
Author(s):  
Joanna Bielecka-Prus
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Socialist Country ◽  
Social Roles ◽  
Heterogeneous Group ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Over Time

Abstract In this article I discuss the social roles of Polish sociologists in the period between 1945 and 1989. Sociologists in Poland are assumed to have constituted a heterogeneous group representing various attitudes towards the political system. Over time, they defined their intellectual role in public discourse differently. This picture remains incomplete without consideration of some crucial aspects: whether there were ways in which sociologists neutralized their participation in building the regime; and the techniques used for evasion and “legal criticism” of the system. The analysis is based on my comments of well-known sociologists published in the press and in books. Issues discussed include the function of sociology, the role of sociologists in a socialist country, and the position of sociology among other sciences and political doctrines.

The Political Ideas of the Opus Dei in Spain

1973 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie Mackenzie
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Social Classes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Organization ◽  
Spiritual Values ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Social ◽  
Banking Business

THE OPUS DEI WAS FOUNDED AS A RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION IN 1928 by Father Escrivá de Balaguer in Spain. Its existence is public but its membership has always been secret. During the period of the Civil War it went briefly underground, to re-emerge in Nationalist Spain. In 1947 it was recognized as the first Secular Institute by the Pope and the centre of the organization moved to Rome. It has been most successful in Spain where it profited from the extremely favourable conditions created by Franco's government for Catholic groups. Its aim was the re-conversion of all social classes and especially intellectual and bourgeois groups to a universal Catholic spirituality. It worked towards this aim through the positioning of its members in places of power within society: preferably in university chairs, banking, business or bureaucratic positions. Each member had the duty to lead an upright Catholic life and at the same time to convert the maximum possible number of his fellows to active Catholicism (or to membership of the Opus Dei), through the example of his life. This implied not only proficiency and diligence at work, but also the traditional spiritual values such as humility, chastity, obedience, etc. Escrivá de Balaguer argued that the further Opus members could rise up the social ladder the more influence they would have on society in general and on their fellows.

The Service Vote in the Elections of 1944

1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 720-732 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boyd A. Martin
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Gallup Poll ◽  
Great Magnitude ◽  
Legal Power ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
The Social ◽  
Voting Procedures

One of the most controversial legislative matters considered by the Seventy-eighth Congress was the question of whether or not Congress should simplify voting procedures for service men and women. The popular feeling of the nation strongly favored giving the armed forces every opportunity to vote, not inconsistent with the necessities of war. The controversy in Congress was not restricted entirely to the constitutional question of whether or not Congress had the legal power to provide soldiers with a federal ballot by which they could vote for president, vice-president, representatives, and senators, but in addition, it raised social and political questions of great magnitude. The political significance of the service vote became increasingly apparent when the Gallup Poll announced on December 4, 1943, that the soldier vote, which favored President Franklin D. Roosevelt by 61 per cent, could break the apparent even division of the electorate between the two parties and assure Roosevelt of reëlection. The social significance of liberal federal legislation on the issue was obvious, since numerous states have suffrage laws to prevent the practice of universal suffrage.

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