The Vilna Pogrom of 19–21 April 1919

2021 ◽  
pp. 463-494
Author(s):  
Szymon Rudnicki

This chapter mentions Jarosław Wołkonowski of Vilna and Przemysław Rózanski of Gdansk, who wrote about the events in Vilna based on materials located in US archives. It talks about opposing descriptions of the events in Vilna, in which there was denial of any anti-Jewish behaviour. It also discusses the significant decrease of the Jewish population of Vilna during the First World War, while the Polish population increased. The chapter examines the theory about negative attitudes towards the Poles, which was established a priori under the influence of prevailing anti-Jewish attitudes and the triumph of nationalist ideas. It explores the Poles' attitude towards Jews that arose because the Jewish population was seen above all as supportive of Bolshevism.

Author(s):  
Guy Miron

IN THE WAKE of the First World War Poland and Hungary became independent states. Poland, which for some 130 years had been partitioned between its neighbouring empires—Russia, Austria, and Prussia—now gained independence, including in its territory some predominantly Ukrainian and Belarusian areas which had been part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Hungary, which had enjoyed extensive autonomy since the Ausgleich (Austro-Hungarian Compromise) of 1867, was now severed from the defunct Habsburg empire and became independent, but its boundaries were dramatically reduced as a result of the Treaty of Trianon. The two states, whose independence was part of a new European order based on the principle of national self-determination, were supposed to function as democracies and respect the rights of their minorities. In the immediate aftermath of 'the war to end all wars', there was reason to hope that the recognition of the Jews as equal citizens would lead to a golden age of Jewish integration. In practice, the reality was different. Both Poland and Hungary were established as independent states amidst violent internal and external conflicts over their boundaries and the nature of their regimes. In both states, these struggles, which continued throughout the whole interwar period, increasingly led to the dominance of an exclusionary nationalism. Jews were the central, although not the only, minority targeted by this policy of exclusion. Of course, the anti-Jewish violence that occurred during the struggles for the independence of both Poland and Hungary and the anti-Jewish policies and legislation of the 1920s and especially the 1930s should not be regarded as foreshadowing the Nazi catastrophe—which was primarily the result of actions by an external force—however, there is no doubt that in both countries Jewish integration was seriously endangered during the interwar period....


Author(s):  
Theodore R. Weeks

This chapter attempts to suggest some explanations for why there occurred a major shift in prevailing attitudes regarding the desired form of relations between Poles and Jews between the last major Polish uprising and the outbreak of the First World War. Specifically, this period witnessed a sharp rise of nationalist feelings among both Jews and Poles, the development of strong and widespread antisemitic feelings in nearly all segments of the Polish population, and, correspondingly, growing disillusionment with the previously accepted liberal ideal of assimilation as the answer to the ‘Jewish question’. The chapter examines this period with subsequent developments in mind. It considers whether an exacerbation of problems between Poles and Jews was inevitable, given the historical circumstances in which these two groups found themselves at the end of the nineteenth century. In this sense, this chapter may contribute to the understanding of the roots of modern Polish antisemitism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (7) ◽  
pp. 56-69
Author(s):  
Józef Pociecha

In 2018, Statistics Poland, the publisher of statistical yearbooks celebrated its100th anniversary. The purpose of this work is to present a book which is the immediate predecessor of the Polish statistical yearbooks. The work, published in 1915, entitled ”Polish Statistics”, was elaborated by Adam Krzyżanowski and Kazimierz Władysław Kumaniecki, eminent Polish statisticians and economists. Based on this work, we can reconstruct the demographic picture of the Polish lands before the outbreak of the First World War, which initiates the analysis of the process of independence restoration through demo-graphic and socio-economic situation of the country. The number of population on historical Polish lands around the year 1910 is shown. At the same time, the estimates of the number of Polish population on these lands with the information on the scale of emigration and vital statistics is presented. Such information contributes to the knowledge of the history of the rebirth of Polish independence and the history of statistics.


2006 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Mercer

In the years leading up to the First World War the academic understanding of the earthen mounds we know as mottes underwent a series of dramatic changes. Exploration of the paradigms behind these viewpoints tells us much about the way in which knowledge comes into being and is used. In particular, archaeologists have created their own foundation myths, complete with hero and demon figures, which serve to emphasize a progressive account of research. The reality is often somewhat more reactionary. In this paper I argue that archaeological histories have impeded understanding of the discipline as the complexities of research remain hidden. As viewpoints become entrenched, creative thought is stifled because the subject is believed to be understood. In castle studies, one a-priori paradigm is that the English motte-and-bailey castle was introduced by the Normans, an idea commonly attributed to Ella Armitage. This paper explores the context behind the adoption of this idea through a case study focusing on changes in understanding. Acrimonious dismissal of alternative points of view has maintained the dominance of this paradigm. I conclude that critical historiographies such as this best serve the development of future understanding of the discipline.


2020 ◽  
pp. 26-32
Author(s):  
Ihor Sribnyak

The article discloses attempts by the German authorities to use certain captive Ukrainians from the Russian army to destabilize its arson during World War I. Due to the lack of relevant archival sources, it is not possible to determine the degree of informative nature of agent messages recruited by the German Ukrainian activists, as well as the extent of their importance in planning strategic or tactical military operations at the front by the German command. The author of the article assumes that the most successful Ukrainian “turns” from captivity acted in the cause of revolutionizing Ukrainian provinces of the Russian Empire. It should also be noted that by agreeing to cooperate with the German military authorities, not all captive Ukrainians were guided by ideological motives. Some of them were driven by the desire to use this opportunity to accelerate their return home, and they were not a priori planning to collect and transmit intelligence to the Germans and to carry out the work of revolutionary content. Finally, a small proportion of Ukrainians who were sent home by the efforts of the Union of Liberation of Ukraine and the German authorities, joined the disintegration of imperial institutes at Ukrainian lands, and also took an active part in the Ukrainian state-building in 1917–1920.


2015 ◽  
pp. 208-208
Author(s):  
Shulamit S. Magnus

This epilogue recounts how, terrified of anti-Jewish violence, Pauline Wengeroff died, ‘lonely and miserable’, in Minsk in 1916, at the age of 83, in the midst of the First World War and a disintegrating tsarist empire, having encouraged one grandson to practise the piano so that he might get to America. The grandson, Nicolas Slonimsky, eventually succeeded in reaching the United States, as did three of Wengeroff's children, after Wengeroff's death. Ultimately, through her resonance with a generation hungry for what she had to offer, Wengeroff tried to help right some of the losses of Jewish modernity, to which she knew she had contributed. With her memoirs she hoped to inscribe herself, and some chosen others, on the tablet of Jewish memory but, above all, to perpetuate and give life, a future, to Jewish memory. In that goal she was not alone but part of a vigorous stream. Whether Memoirs of a Grandmother or the conviction that it had reached its target audience and purpose gave her any comfort in her last days no one knows; but one can hope.


Author(s):  
Antony Polonsky

This chapter focuses on how the First World War represented a major turning point in the history not only of the Jews, but also of Europe and the wider world. The First World War saw the three powers that had partitioned Poland go to war with each other. In spite of deep reservations about the tsarist regime, the Jews supported the Russian war effort in large numbers, and over half a million served in the tsarist army. This did not, however, allay Russian hostility. Changes in Russian anti-Jewish policies came in only after the overthrow of the tsarist system. In Ukraine, the home of the largest Jewish community in the tsarist empire, the development of the revolution and the situation of the Jews had some specific features. Jewish support for Ukrainian aspirations was undermined by the breakdown of law and order and the beginnings of the wave of pogroms, which was to assume massive proportions in late 1918 and throughout 1919. In spite of the appalling bloodshed that had occurred, Jews both in eastern Europe and elsewhere felt that the outcome of the war did have some positive elements. Zionism now enjoyed international recognition, as did the national rights of Jews in Poland and Lithuania and the autonomy that they had been granted in the latter.


2009 ◽  
pp. 731-758
Author(s):  
Davide Assael

- Giovanni Emanuele Barié, appointed Professor of Theoretical Philosophy at Milan University in 1937, is one of the most neglected figures in Italian philosophy of the last century. An exponent of late Italian idealism, it could be argued that only through his work, alongside that of others like Bernardino Varisco, Pantaleo Carabellese and Vito Fazio Allmayer, was Italian idealism able to reach full theoretical maturity. Born in Milan in 1894, before going to university, Barié displayed great courage on the battlefield during the first world war. On his return, he first studied Law and then took a second degree in Philosophy under Piero Martinetti. In 1933, his La spiritualitŕ dell'essere e Leibniz enabled him to obtain a university teaching post, first in Genoa, later in Rome and, finally, in Milan in the chair previously occupied by his mentor. The first period of Barié's work is characterized by a re-evaluation of the Kantian a priori against the reductionist perspective of contemporary thought. Books like La posizione gnoseologica della matematica (1925) and Oltre la Critica (1929) belong to this stage in his life. From 1933, Barié started on an interpretation of Hegel with the intention of toning down the transcendental aspects of Kant's and Martinetti's thought. His most important writings from this period are L'io trascendentale (1948) and his last work Il concetto trascendentale (1957), which came out in the same year the philosopher committed suicide.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Aneta Stępień

Abstract This article explores the context of the first parliamentary elections in independent Poland in January 1919, focusing on the National Democratic Party’s (ND) election campaign addressed to Polish women and how anti-Jewish slogans were used to mobilize the participation of the female electorate. Before the First World War, ND, led by Roman Dmowski, was the most fervent opponent of women’s enfranchisement (Gawin 2015); yet, after the introduction of suffrage, and one month before the elections, the party created the National Women’s Organization (NOK), affiliated with ND, tasked with running an election campaign aimed at ethnically Polish women. The article demonstrates that ND instrumentalized female voters and their newly obtained right to win the elections and gain advantage over its largest rival, the Polish Socialist Party (PPS, Polska Partia Socjalistyczna). It argues that members of NOK, who used antisemitic, ultra-nationalistic, and Catholic propaganda in the election campaign, became one of the major advocates of the party’s ethno-nationalist vision of Poland; consequently, they significantly contributed to the worsening of Polish-Jewish relations in the interwar period. The article also looks at the critique of the extreme nationalism and antisemitism within ND and NOK by individual female activists and groups not affiliated with Dmowski’s party.


Author(s):  
José Alejandro Peres-Cajías ◽  
Anna Carreras-Marín

AbstractThis paper aims to evaluate the accuracy of official Bolivian foreign trade statistics. Results show large discrepancies between Bolivian records and those of its main trade partners during the First World War. Whereas the gap decreased thereafter, it stayed particularly high in the case of exports. This seems to be explained by mistakes in the geographical assignment by the trade partners rather than by an overvaluation of official Bolivian figures. This suggests that landlockness may have had a significant negative effect on the accuracy of trade statistics from the, a priori, more reliable countries. The study also helps to revisit the debate concerning the effect that tin exploitation had on the rest of the Bolivian economy during the first half of the 20th century.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document