scholarly journals Global cyberpunk

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-386
Author(s):  
Sasha Myerson

This article examines the connections between 1960s student protests, particularly the occupation of the University of Tokyo in 1968-9, and 1980s cyberpunk film in Japan. I argue that these films, while critical of the student movement, aim to reclaim and transform the utopian spirit that motivated them. Using the global 1960s framework, I situate Japanese cyberpunk film within the wider debates of this decade, particularly those concerning personal liberation and affluence. Using Tom Moylan’s concept of the critical dystopia, I demonstrate that utopian thinking does not disappear after 1968 in Japan but undergoes metamorphosis in these films.

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-114
Author(s):  
Nasser Tolba

This article aims to explore the phenomenon of political violence at Egyptian universities after the downfall of the Muslim Brotherhood regime on June 30, 2013.  It is a critical analysis to identify the underlying causes and factors leading to this excessive violence and its impact on the Egyptian universities.  The article drew on qualitative methods by interviewing 16 Muslim Brotherhood students from four public universities.  The results indicate that frustration, injustice, the collapse of democracy, and interference of the security in universities played an initial role in the students’ violent behaviors.  The forms of violence varied from clashes, throwing stones, and destroying university facilities and infrastructure.  The effects of violence on the university were large such as, cancelling study several times, eliminating student political and cultural activities, infrastructure losses, and many arrests, injuries and victims between students and staff.  Keywords: 30 June events 2013, political violence, Egypt revolution, student protests.       G M T   Sprache erkennen Afrikaans Albanisch Arabisch Armenisch Aserbaidschanisch Baskisch Bengalisch Bosnisch Bulgarisch Burmesisch Cebuano Chichewa Chinesisch (ver) Chinesisch (trad) Dänisch Deutsch Englisch Esperanto Estnisch Finnisch Französisch Galizisch Georgisch Griechisch Gujarati Haitianisch Hausa Hebräisch Hindi Hmong Igbo Indonesisch Irisch Isländisch Italienisch Japanisch Javanesisch Jiddisch Kannada Kasachisch Katalanisch Khmer Koreanisch Kroatisch Lao Lateinish Lettisch Litauisch Malabarisch Malagasy Malaysisch Maltesisch Maori Marathisch Mazedonisch Mongolisch Nepalesisch Niederländisch Norwegisch Persisch Polnisch Portugiesisch Punjabi Rumänisch Russisch Schwedisch Serbisch Sesotho Singhalesisch Slowakisch Slowenisch Somali Spanisch Suaheli Sundanesisch Tadschikisch Tagalog Tamil Telugu Thailändisch Tschechisch Türkisch Ukrainisch Ungarisch Urdu Uzbekisch Vietnamesisch Walisisch Weißrussisch Yoruba Zulu   Afrikaans Albanisch Arabisch Armenisch Aserbaidschanisch Baskisch Bengalisch Bosnisch Bulgarisch Burmesisch Cebuano Chichewa Chinesisch (ver) Chinesisch (trad) Dänisch Deutsch Englisch Esperanto Estnisch Finnisch Französisch Galizisch Georgisch Griechisch Gujarati Haitianisch Hausa Hebräisch Hindi Hmong Igbo Indonesisch Irisch Isländisch Italienisch Japanisch Javanesisch Jiddisch Kannada Kasachisch Katalanisch Khmer Koreanisch Kroatisch Lao Lateinish Lettisch Litauisch Malabarisch Malagasy Malaysisch Maltesisch Maori Marathisch Mazedonisch Mongolisch Nepalesisch Niederländisch Norwegisch Persisch Polnisch Portugiesisch Punjabi Rumänisch Russisch Schwedisch Serbisch Sesotho Singhalesisch Slowakisch Slowenisch Somali Spanisch Suaheli Sundanesisch Tadschikisch Tagalog Tamil Telugu Thailändisch Tschechisch Türkisch Ukrainisch Ungarisch Urdu Uzbekisch Vietnamesisch Walisisch Weißrussisch Yoruba Zulu                 Die Sound-Funktion ist auf 200 Zeichen begrenzt     Optionen : Geschichte : Feedback : Donate Schließen


Author(s):  
Matthew Johnson

This chapter looks at the rise of the black campus movement. University of Michigan (UM) leaders were not ready for black campus activism; they took comfort in the fact that black activism was still something unfolding off campus. That all changed in the late 1960s. Black activism that took over buildings and shut down classes threatened university operations. The black campus activists also offered more radical visions of inclusion than federal bureaucrats had. They wanted to create an institution that saw racial justice as the driving force of its mission. A new president led the University of Michigan through these protests. Arriving at the university in January of 1968, Robben Fleming introduced a new managerial strategy to co-opt activism. His efforts worked briefly to stem the tide of black student protests in the late 1960s, but they ultimately failed when Fleming did not provide the types of policies and initiatives that would satisfy activists. By 1970, black student activists organized the most successful student strike in the university's history, calling into question whether UM leaders could retain control of the meaning and character of racial inclusion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-357
Author(s):  
Charles J. Thompson ◽  
Leslie Jo Shelton

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 460-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zane Wubbena

The 2011 Chilean student protests were a powerful social movement aimed at transforming education and, with it, the social spaces and formations of daily life. This social movement was pedagogical because students transformed the city into a classroom to gain control over the production of space. In this vein, the student movement provided a catalyst for reconstituting public education as a universal social right. Based on the perspective of spatial educational theory, I conducted a visual framing analysis of three photographs taken during the 2011 Chilean student movement. I employed a four-tiered visual framing method. The three photographs were purposefully selected from different media sources to represent the three dimensions of spatial educational theory, including learning in conceived space, studying in lived space, and teaching in perceived space. In doing so, this article provides a novel way to explain spatial educational theory by visually operationalizing it as a pedagogy for space during the Chilean student movement. This article also works to broaden our conceptualization of student movements as pedagogical events for social transformation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (9) ◽  
pp. 256
Author(s):  
Paula Eloise Dos Santos ◽  
Lucas Augusto Souza de Jesus

Esse artigo visa apresentar uma análise documental da Operação Pente Fino, realizada na Delegacia Regional do Paraná e Santa Catarina, na cidade de Curitiba, cujo intuito foi prender as lideranças do Movimento Estudantil paranaense sob acusação de subversão, denotando o aumento da repressão policial às manifestações estudantis. Para essa análise nos valemos do conceito de região, entendido como lugar de conflito e de relações de poder. A presença da repressão evidencia que a população paranaense não era exclusivamente “ordeira e conservadora” conforme a construção de sua imagem por parte do Estado. Palavras-chave: Movimento Estudantil paranaense; Regime Militar; Repressão. Abstract This paper aims to present a documental analysis of the "Pente Fino" operation, carried out in Paraná and Santa Catarina Regional Police Station, in Curitiba city. This operation had a purpose to arrest the leaders of the Paraná Student Movement, accused of subversion, denoting the increase of the police repression in student protests. For this analysis, we use the concept of region, understood as a place of conflict and power relations. The presence of repression testifies that the population of Paraná was not exclusively “orderly and conservative”, according to the state's construction of its image.Keywords: Paraná Student Movement; Military Regime; Repression.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-164
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Pavlovic ◽  
Mark Losoncz

Even though Belgrade student protests emerged and ended abruptly after only seven days in June of 1968, they came as a cumulative point of a decade-long accumulated social dissatisfaction and antagonisms, as well as of philosophical investigations of the unorthodox Marxists of the Praxis school (Praksisovci). It surprised the Yugoslav authorities as the first massive rebellion after WWII to explicitly criticize rising social inequality, bureaucratization and unemployment and demand free speech and abolishment of privileges. This article focuses on the intellectual destiny and legacy of the eight professors from the Faculty of Philosophy close to the Praxis school, who were identified as the protests? instigators and subsequently expelled from the University of Belgrade due to their ?ethico-political unsuitability?. Under both international and domestic pressure, they were later reemployed in a separate research unit named the Centre for Philosophy and Social Theory, where they kept their critical edge and argued for political pluralism. From the late 1980s onwards, they and their colleagues became politically active and at times occupied the highest positions in Serbia - Dragoljub Micunovic as one of the founders of the modern Democratic Party and the Speaker of the Parliament, former Serbian President and Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and former Prime Minister late Zoran Djindjic. Still, while some members became strong anti-nationalists and anti-war activists, other embraced Serbian nationalism, therefore pivoting the intellectual split into the so called First and Second Serbia that marked Serbian society during the 1990s and remained influential to this day.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-314
Author(s):  
Isaac Kamola

The decade-long revolution known as May ’68 is commonly framed as a political protest radiating out from European and North American universities. However, much is gained by instead viewing May ’68 within the context of both anticolonial struggle and the emergence of what Wallerstein terms “the world university system.” Understanding student protests within the context of anticolonial struggle, including within African universities, reveals the extent to which the neoliberal university we inhabit today is the product of a profound counterrevolution designed to undermine the promise of the university as a site of radical and anticolonial transformation.


Author(s):  
Michael V. Metz

Issues of race dominated the semester as black anger was on prominent display and white activists scrambled to provide support. Chicago Black Panthers visited the campus to speak, but a misunderstanding regarding a stipend caused white angst. The Vietnam War was not forgotten, as star footballer Mickey Hogan quit the sport and joined the activists, and the issue of violence became central to the student movement. The BSA made accusations of institutional racism against the university and white activists debated how to back them. With no appetite for sit-ins at this point, a march on the president’s house made do.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marguerite De Waal

Is there room, as Natasha Distiller asked in 2012, for a “close encounter” with Shakespeare in post-apartheid South Africa? This question has become increasingly pertinent. Following the Fallist movements which were ignited at universities across the country in 2015, calls for the decolonisation of curricula and cultural institutions have been coupled with growing resistance against pervading socio-economic inequalities. Amongst other things, the student protests represented a rejection of “old ways of reading” characterised in both ideological and material terms by  exclusion, lack of access and disempowerment. This article suggests that Distiller’s question may be engaged with reference to stage adaptations of Shakespeare’s plays in educational and/or academic settings which took  place before, during and after the student movements of 2015–16. These are two productions by the National  Children’s Theatre aimed at secondary school students – Coriolanus (2016) and Antony and Cleopatra (2018) – and two university productions: The Julius Caesar Project (2013) at the University of the Witwatersrand, and DCoriolanus (2017) at the University of Pretoria. Through close consideration of the strategies and decisions employed in staging these productions, the paper argues that the medium of theatre, and the ways in which it has been used by South African performers and theatre-makers, is key to understanding how both subversive and productive “close encounters” with Shakespeare might be enacted


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