scholarly journals ASSESMENT OF THE INDUSTRY COMPETITIVENESS OF THE BALTIC STATES IN THE EU DURING THE PERIOD OF ECONOMIC RECESSION

2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rita REMEIKIENE ◽  
Grazina STARTIENE ◽  
Daiva DUMCIUVIENE

The purpose of the article is to carry out the assessment of the industrial competitiveness of the Baltic States in the EU during the period of economic recession. Revealed comparative advantage (RCA) and Symmetric index (SI) index values revealed that after the period of economic recession, the growth of the industrial competitiveness of the Baltic States, considering it from export positions, is slower in comparison with GDP changes. Latvia has taken strong competitive positions in the industry of raw materials; Estonia also has medium comparative advantage in the industry of raw materials, while Lithuania has the comparative advantage in the industries of mineral fuels, lubricants and related materials. Export competitiveness index (XCI) results showed that all three Baltic States had growing competitive advantage in the industries of food, drinks and tobacco during both the period of economic recession and the period of economic revival. In the period of economic revival Estonia showed the growth potential in the industries of chemicals and related products, while Lithuania – in the industry of raw materials and related products.The identification of competitive industries during the periods of economic recession and revival can provide the governments of the Baltic States with the target data not only for supporting export companies, but also for taking the best decisions to improve the business environment in the industries that have the competitive advantage.

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Davit Belkania

From the very beginning of its rebirth after leaving the Soviet Union, Georgia embarked on a transition to a free market economy and linked its fate to western culture. Since then, strengthening the private sector, creating an attractive investment climate, promoting trade liberalization and above all else fostering exports are the main concerns of the country. Thus, as an export-oriented country, close examination of the Georgian export performance is of great importance. Besides the decomposition of general export trends for the period of 2008-2017, this paper applies Balassa index of revealed comparative advantage (RCA) to identify the key export sectors with comparative advantage and correspondingly with higher growth potential; By this shaping the export promotion policy to prioritize those sectors as the main drivers to increase export earnings. Furthermore, the study employed export product diversification index to gauge the convergence degree of Georgian exports structure by products to the structure of the world; as it significantly affects the resistance of a country towards the trade shocks caused by a price instability of the exported commodities. Eventually, the EU-Georgia trade relationship will be assessed through the trade intensity index to check whether the value of trade between the EU and Georgia is corresponding to the expectations based on their importance in world trade. The results show the comparative advantage for nine products (HS4) that account for -60%- of total exports including all the major sectors of Georgian export production. The diversification degree of export products improved over the last decade but still very poor, thus, it is unlikely for Georgia to resist the external trade shocks in case of a price instability of the exported commodities. Furthermore, despite the removal of the main trade barriers between EU and Georgia, it appears that the bilateral trade relationship is characterized by a low-intensity pattern, meaning that there is much to trade between the partners. The problem of low-intensity can be linked to the lack of accessible export-related information that limits the ability of the new entrants to survive. As a result, discouragement of new firms to become exporters limits the diversification of export basket, which in turn negatively affects the level of trade intensity between the trade partners and decreases the potential trade benefits of bilateral agreements.


Author(s):  
V. V. Vorotnikov

The economic crisis fueled contradictions among the parties and weakened public support of internal and external policies of the Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia). Natural necessity to abandon previous one-sided Euro-Atlantic foreign political and foreign economic orientation in favor of more balanced approach towards relations with Eastern neighbours (primarily with Russia) has become the issue of key importance that turned out to be a stumbling block for main political parties (ruling parties, opposition, so called ‚Russian‘ parties) in the Baltic states. The attitude to this problem became crucial during recent political crisis in Latvia, whereas in Lithuania and Estonia it led to changing rhetoric on foreign political issues by opposition parties. It is possible to nominally define the political situation in Lithuania as partisan consensus, whereas in Latvia and Estonia foreign political strategies complicated by unresolved domestic ethnic and language minorities problems are a battlegroud for ruling right-wing conservative coalitions and social-democratic oppositions. So, main social and political forces in the Baltic states faced the task to find a new consensus on foreign political issues in order to efficiently develop national economies under the conditions of financial economic turbulence in the EU and worldwide as well as to support social unity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Tomas Bekišas

This paper aims to determine Lithuania’s, Latvia’s, and Estonia’s parties’ positions on the European Union (EU) and to ascertain whether these party positions mirror their voters’ positions on the EU. Analysis suggests that parties in this region have rather varied positions on the EU, with the exception of hard-Eurosceptic views, which are absent in Baltic states’ party systems. This paper also indicates that parties in the Baltic states tend to mirror, with some exceptions, their voters positions on the EU. This suggests that there may be additional factors determining parties’ positions regarding the EU in the Baltics.


2018 ◽  
pp. 135-148
Author(s):  
Liutauras Gudžinskas ◽  
Tomas Bekišas
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Tanel Kerikmäe ◽  
Archil Chochia ◽  
Max Atallah

Integration with the European Union has been far less distressing for the three Baltic States than for numerous other accessing countries owing to their strong societal impetus to (re)join Western political, economic, and legal culture after they regained their independence from the Soviet Union in 1990. However, the accession of these states—Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania—had several distinctive features related to constitutional background and settings, which heavily influenced problem solving between government and the EU institutions. In general, the controversial issues regarding how to solve the problems with supranational power have never been dramatic with regard to the Baltic States, which leads to the assumption that often the governments have taken rather compliant positions. The latest cases, such as the European Stabilization Mechanism, indicate the change in paradigm: the three Baltic States are more aware of the margin of appreciation and actual borderlines between policy making- and decision making. Today, in setting up an EU-related agenda, more skills than previously are needed in finding allies and choosing partners. The road the Baltic States took in joining the EU was a difficult one, nor has their role in the EU been easy. Should a small state with a big initiative be allowed to mentor other member states regarding that initiative, meaning in particular Estonia and its digital development? Another peculiar aspect of the Baltic States is their (inter)relationship with Russia. Considering themselves a bridge between East and West, the Baltics have been active in Eastern Partnership and Development Aid initiatives and have also spoken out strongly against intervention in Georgia and Ukraine. This position sometimes complicates any EU attempt to achieve consensus on foreign policy.


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