The Caucasus Geopolitical Dilemma

Author(s):  
Vakhtang Maisaia

The chapter reviews the fierce geopolitical competition between global powers over the hegemony positions in the Caucasus region. The geopolitical security when global powers flex their muscle and are on the way to achieve their missions and goals with assistance of new ideological threshold—Eurasia vs. Neo-Atlantism—induces the emergence of confrontation modality for the regional security perceptions not promoting peace and stability. The new security dilemma for the region is really identified as follows: Russia/China vs. USA/EU. It is an interesting point to consider how the competition affects formulating various foreign policy implications of the regional actors and in what capacity it strains geopolitical configuration in the area.

2019 ◽  
Vol 2(13)/2019 (2(13)/2019) ◽  
pp. 63-77
Author(s):  
Vakhtang MAISAIA ◽  
Salome KARELI

The geostrategic area that generally could be labelled as the ‘Three Seas’(TSI) pan-region (Baltic Sea-Adriatic Sea-Black Sea geostrategic space) has already been described as a hotspot and as an unstable zone caused by interference of not only global but also regional hegemon powers. The main cause of instability by the global power actors is defined as being described as a ’New Cold War’ game where Eastern and Central Europe as well as the Black Sea zone are becoming a new geostrategic ‘Rimland’ for the game. The area is the primary sphere of major interests for political regional organizations, including the EU and NATO, with increasing importance of the area from a geostrategic standpoint. The instability clause is being inspired by new challenges – violent non-state actors (like DAESH, Al-Qaida, etc.), black transit transactions (drug and arms smuggling), all types of terrorist entities, separatism war-gamers, low intensified conflicts, violent human rights violations, etc. All of these factors lead toward the emergence of a hybrid warfare concept r in regional security stability. Asymmetric challenges imposed by hybrid warfare initiators caused more. Unfortunately all these new challenges cause the development of new types of security infringement with involvement of non-state actors in regional geopolitics can be newly identified as ‘National Security Deadlock’ – political ruleship of the country and special conditions of political condition when any decision taken by the political leadership more increases risks occasion from internal as well as external origins. The jargon introduced and invented by the author of the abstract, namely linked with the situation in the geostrategic area, including the Caucasus region. even actors of international security systems also inflame the situation in the region and reach up to a level of security dilemma. Hence, two security challenges are competing at the area and causing the most dangerous situation on the spot.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (04) ◽  
pp. 1738-1747
Author(s):  
Murad Asadov

Formation of new states in the South Caucasus and Central Asia after the collapse of the Soviet Union raised to have relations with the Turkic peoples of Central Asia first in the history of the Republic for Turkey. Foreign policy the Caucasus continues to evolve in its foreign policy strategy. A force associated with this well-intentioned policy, which is adjacent to the Laki region, is always offered. Whenever Turkey wants to enter the Caucasus, it will not be adversely affected by other countries. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, Russia's influence in the region was weak. The nickname was temporary. At the beginning of the 21st century, Vladimir Putin received a well-developed document with the credibility of Putin. Turkey’s north-east neighbour Georgia is not a very big country, it has a particular importance of the geostrategic position not only in the Caucasus region but also in Turkey. Especially, the location of Georgia in the center of the transport and trade routes to the Caucasus and Central Asia increases its geostrategic status more. The main positive turning point in the development of Georgia-Turkey relations happened with the realization of oil and natural gas pipelines to run Caspian oil through Tbilisi to Turkey and from there to the West. This article will explore the Turkish-Russian relations of the late twentieth and early twenty first century and the Russian factor in Turkey's South Caucasus policy following the August 2008 events.


Author(s):  
Dina Alborova ◽  
Boris Koybaev ◽  
Elena Galkina

Introduction. In recent decades, the issue of security has remained very acute and most pressing in modern international relations. Security is the key word that defines domestic and foreign policies of states in both the Caucasus region and a number of European regions. In the late 80s of the 20th century, the collapse of the Soviet Union was painful, accompanied by the economic collapse, the rupture of socio-economic and political ties, awakening of national identity, which often took the form of nationalistic character. Painful processes took place in Eastern and Southeastern Europe, in the Caucasus, which flamed with conflicts. Owing to ethno political conflicts new state formations appeared. Methods and materials. This article uses a set of methods for studying international politics, mainly the comparative, systemic, structural and functional ones, as well as methods for analyzing and processing documents, including content analysis. The use of the conflictological paradigm is the main methodological tool of this study. The authors also use the case study method for studying various conflicts (Georgian-Ossetian conflict, in Cyprus, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Transdniestria, etc.). The article analyzes the UN Resolutions, treaties, and memorandums relating to the non-use of force in the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and conflicts in Europe. Analysis. One of the key aspects of regional security in the system of international relations is the issue of signing the Treaty on the Non-Use of Force. This issue has also been discussed at the official site – the Geneva meetings. The South Caucasus is an unstable, conflict-prone region with many problems. Here interests of both world and regional players collide, which cannot influence stability and security in regional international relations positively. Moreover, new challenges are swaying the situation, in particular, in the form of world terrorism and wars in the neighboring Middle East. Each of the countries located in the South Caucasus is fully aware of the need for stable peace and security in the region, but, at the same time, they do not have a common opinion on the issues relating to the mechanisms for achieving this state. As regards, in particular, the Georgian-Ossetian relations, the situation is aggravated by the foreign policy of these countries – while Georgia is taking steps towards European integration and joining NATO, South Ossetia is more and more integrated into the socio-economic and political legal components of the Russian Federation, denoting its strategic partnership with Russia as a guarantee of its own security. Results. The examples of conflicts in Europe and the Georgian-Ossetian conflict analyzed in the article show that the Agreements on the nonuse of force could serve as a basis for the cease-fire, divorce of the warring parties and the beginning of preparing a platform for the negotiation process. Nevertheless, there is not unequivocal answer to the question of whether such agreements are a guarantee that one of the parties may not violate the agreement and hostilities will not resume again.


2020 ◽  
pp. 133-155
Author(s):  
Vakhtang Maisaia ◽  
Miranda Mikadze

A geopolitical situation in the region, labelled ‘the Caucasus-Caspian Region’ remains unstable since the period of the ‘New Cold War’ entered into force. The region is predisposed toward bloody conflicts and regional war scenarios that still persist. A vivid example of the situation is the brief Russo-Georgia war of 2008, when Russian Armed Forces occupied Georgian territories and Georgia was catapulted into the centre of the international arena as a postSoviet country struggling against the ‘Giant Actor’. These consequences outlined the urgent need of European support and security for Georgians. Backing the ceasefire agreement, between the EU, Georgia and the Russian Federation known as the ‘Sarkozy-Saakashvili-Medvedev Peace Accord’, the EU Military Monitoring Mission in aegis of the EU Defence Policy provision has supervised and overseen how the Accord has been implemented by the involved parties. After having considered the Kremlin decision an imposition of the A2/AD system over the whole Black Sea Basin, including the CaucasusCaspian region, the stalemate between the USA and Russia is being detonated. The confrontation between Great Powers over the regional hegemony determination tailored with security perils – military power and energy security instruments directly hit the European security environment where the EU defence policy could be infrangibly and non-attainable. This might be particularly important as it will cause the key risks and outline the urgent need for emergency of threats. Therefore, the Caucasus-Caspian region generates those threat perceptions that can easily endanger the EU security and defence policy implications or swart the community efforts to deal with crises management outside the area of responsibility.


2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 179-199
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Entina ◽  
Alexander Pivovarenko

The article reflects on the issue of the foreign policy strategy of modern Russia in the Balkans region. One of the most significant aspects of this problem is the difference in views between Russia and the West. Authors show how different interpretations of the events in former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s predetermined the sense of mutual suspicion and mistrust which spread to other regions such as the post-Soviet space. Exploring differences between the Russian and the Western (Euro-Atlantic) views on the current matters, authors draw attention to fundamental differences in terminology: while the Western narrative promotes more narrow geographical and political definitions (such as the Western Balkan Six), traditional Russian experts are more inclined to wider or integral definitions such as “the Balkans” and “Central and Southeast Europe”. Meanwhile none of these terms are applicable for analysis of the current trends such as the growing transit role of the Balkans region and its embedding in the European regional security architecture. Therefore, a new definition is needed to overcome the differences in vision and better understand significant recent developments in the region. Conceptualizing major foreign policy events in Central and Southeast Europe during the last three decades (the 1990s, 2000s and 2010s), authors demonstrate the significance of differences in tools and methods between the Soviet Union and the modern Russia. Permanent need for adaptation to changing political and security context led to inconsistence in Russian Balkan policy in the 1990s. Nevertheless, Russia was able to preserve an integral vision of the region and even to elaborate new transregional constructive projects, which in right political circumstances may promote stability and become beneficial for both Russia and the Euro-Atlantic community.


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