scholarly journals Non-Use of Force Agreement as a Factor of Influence on Security Issues in the System of International Relations (On the Example of Georgian-Ossetian Conflict and Conflicts in Europe

Author(s):  
Dina Alborova ◽  
Boris Koybaev ◽  
Elena Galkina

Introduction. In recent decades, the issue of security has remained very acute and most pressing in modern international relations. Security is the key word that defines domestic and foreign policies of states in both the Caucasus region and a number of European regions. In the late 80s of the 20th century, the collapse of the Soviet Union was painful, accompanied by the economic collapse, the rupture of socio-economic and political ties, awakening of national identity, which often took the form of nationalistic character. Painful processes took place in Eastern and Southeastern Europe, in the Caucasus, which flamed with conflicts. Owing to ethno political conflicts new state formations appeared. Methods and materials. This article uses a set of methods for studying international politics, mainly the comparative, systemic, structural and functional ones, as well as methods for analyzing and processing documents, including content analysis. The use of the conflictological paradigm is the main methodological tool of this study. The authors also use the case study method for studying various conflicts (Georgian-Ossetian conflict, in Cyprus, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Transdniestria, etc.). The article analyzes the UN Resolutions, treaties, and memorandums relating to the non-use of force in the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and conflicts in Europe. Analysis. One of the key aspects of regional security in the system of international relations is the issue of signing the Treaty on the Non-Use of Force. This issue has also been discussed at the official site – the Geneva meetings. The South Caucasus is an unstable, conflict-prone region with many problems. Here interests of both world and regional players collide, which cannot influence stability and security in regional international relations positively. Moreover, new challenges are swaying the situation, in particular, in the form of world terrorism and wars in the neighboring Middle East. Each of the countries located in the South Caucasus is fully aware of the need for stable peace and security in the region, but, at the same time, they do not have a common opinion on the issues relating to the mechanisms for achieving this state. As regards, in particular, the Georgian-Ossetian relations, the situation is aggravated by the foreign policy of these countries – while Georgia is taking steps towards European integration and joining NATO, South Ossetia is more and more integrated into the socio-economic and political legal components of the Russian Federation, denoting its strategic partnership with Russia as a guarantee of its own security. Results. The examples of conflicts in Europe and the Georgian-Ossetian conflict analyzed in the article show that the Agreements on the nonuse of force could serve as a basis for the cease-fire, divorce of the warring parties and the beginning of preparing a platform for the negotiation process. Nevertheless, there is not unequivocal answer to the question of whether such agreements are a guarantee that one of the parties may not violate the agreement and hostilities will not resume again.

Author(s):  
Ekaterina ARKHIPOVA

The war of 2020 in the Mountainous Karabakh has reshaped the balance of powers in the area and enforced the tensions between the area powers (Russia and Turkey). The article reveals the contemporary and new factors determining the area international relations. Theory of regional security complexes makes the ground of the article. Structural and functional analysis gives the opportunity to explain the reasons of states activity in the IR, states’ expectations and week points. The author undermines the influence of the 2020 war upon the area balance of power, helping Turkey to improve its influence instead of its’ loses in the Near East area. The author gives the prognosis about the improvement of tensions between the South Caucasus States.


2009 ◽  
pp. 83-111
Author(s):  
Alberto Basciani

- The paper illustrates how Romania perceived the Ukrainian great famine of the years 1932-33 (holodomor) through the analysis of unpublished documentary material, coming from the archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Bucharest. At that time, Romania and Soviet Union did not have formal diplomatic relations. However, thanks to the reports of the military authorities working at the borders with the Soviet Union and thanks to the narrations of the Romanian diplomats, located in the bordering countries around the Ussr, the Romanian government could fully understand the tragedy that was upsetting the Ukrainian provinces and the Caucasus region. In this work a special attention is given to the narrations of hundreds of refugees who succeeded in crossing the Dniestr river and in finding a shelter in the Romanian territory. Their testimonies, gathered by the Romanians officials, were clear in proving the criminal nature of the famine, that was designed to undo the farmers' resistance to the collectivization of the fields and to politically and culturally subdue the non Russians nationalities inside the Urss.Key words: Romania, Ussr, Ukrainian Great Famine, refugees, Holodomor, international relations.Parole chiave: Romania, Urss, grande carestia, rifugiati, holodomor, relazioni internazionali. Mondo contemporaneo


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (04) ◽  
pp. 1738-1747
Author(s):  
Murad Asadov

Formation of new states in the South Caucasus and Central Asia after the collapse of the Soviet Union raised to have relations with the Turkic peoples of Central Asia first in the history of the Republic for Turkey. Foreign policy the Caucasus continues to evolve in its foreign policy strategy. A force associated with this well-intentioned policy, which is adjacent to the Laki region, is always offered. Whenever Turkey wants to enter the Caucasus, it will not be adversely affected by other countries. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, Russia's influence in the region was weak. The nickname was temporary. At the beginning of the 21st century, Vladimir Putin received a well-developed document with the credibility of Putin. Turkey’s north-east neighbour Georgia is not a very big country, it has a particular importance of the geostrategic position not only in the Caucasus region but also in Turkey. Especially, the location of Georgia in the center of the transport and trade routes to the Caucasus and Central Asia increases its geostrategic status more. The main positive turning point in the development of Georgia-Turkey relations happened with the realization of oil and natural gas pipelines to run Caspian oil through Tbilisi to Turkey and from there to the West. This article will explore the Turkish-Russian relations of the late twentieth and early twenty first century and the Russian factor in Turkey's South Caucasus policy following the August 2008 events.


Author(s):  
V. Chechelashvili

The article considers the problems of divisive lines, separating nations and diminishing prospects of shared prosperity in South Caucasus. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the resultant independence for Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, the South Caucasus has primarily been associated with conflicts, hostility, military actions, closed borders. The article highlights the causes of problems and directions for their solutions. An assessment of the development potential of the South Caucasus’and tendencies of establishing a stable and secure space with broad prospects for economic cooperation in the region based on geopolitical and geo-economic opportunities is made. Arguments are based on variety of different factors, such as the facts that the region has inexhaustible transit and tourist potential, important natural resources of international significance, and an educated, relatively cheap labour force. Attemps are made to resolve issues such as prospects for the South Caucasus to become an attractive region, determined desirable further actions of the regional states and external players (Russia, United States of America, European Union) which are necessary to achieve a result. Expanding European principles, standards and criteria for cooperation in the South Caucasus is the most realistic way for the three states to achieve shared success. Nothing better has been offered in practice with respect to international regional cooperation. The future of the South Caucasus primarily depends on the three states themselves, their ability and vision, the capacity to observe the overall picture of regional developments and assist each other, and shared activity in order to help the population of the states perceive a new reality. The stable and integrated South Caucasus will make a serious contribution to the security system in a broader regional context and will bring greater stability in adjacent areas.


2021 ◽  
pp. 61-93
Author(s):  
Krista A. Goff

This chapter refers to how World War II and its aftermath were experienced in the Soviet Union and, particularly how geopolitical conflicts intersected with national consciousnesses, relations, and politics in the South Caucasus. It discusses the Soviet leadership that tested the boundaries of its power by fostering national liberation movements among Kurds and Azeris in Iran and advancing territorial claims against Turkey. It also mentions the national actors in Soviet republics that repurposed discourses of national extraterritoriality for their own nation-building, which reignited dormant national disputes in the Caucasus and consolidated transborder alliances and insecurities. The chapter examines how the Bolsheviks created exceptions to the rule by using korenizatsiia policies to exploit cross-border ethnic ties and expand Soviet influence abroad.


2021 ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Norayr Dunamalyan

The events taking place on the periphery of the Heartland show a clear connection between the processes in the South Caucasus and Central Asia. The fact is that the independent republics (recognized and unrecognized) must still take their place in the new world order, as demonstrated by the turbulent 2020 in the Caucasus and the rapid changes in Central Asia (Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Afghanistan). All these plots have their own logic and content. In this article, we will pay more attention to the South Caucasus, the countries of which, despite their long-term neighborhood, exist in various regional, cultural and political spaces with all its consequences.


Author(s):  
Mehran Kamrava

As middle powers with regional aspirations, Iran and Turkey see the South Caucasus region as an ideal arena for expanding their reach and influence. As post-sanctions Iran finds greater space for diplomacy and trade, the ensuing competition between the two neighboring countries is likely to intensify in the coming years. For both states, trade and soft power are the most viable tools for expanding their influence. In the long run, the competition in trade is only likely to benefit the three states of the South Caucasus. But it is also likely to keep the multiple conflicts that have ravaged the region over the last several decades — especially between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Russia and Georgia, and even the historic animosity between Turkey and Armenia — frozen and without a solution in sight.


Author(s):  
Mahmood Monshipouri

The relationship between Iran, Turkey and the South Caucasus states have been influenced by an array of geopolitical, strategic, cultural, and economic factors. The competition between Iran and Turkey and their roles in the South Caucasus are best defined by traditional balance-of-power relations and the broader context of the post-Soviet era. This chapter unpacks the complex dynamics of pipeline politics in the South Caucasus region by underlying the need to understand the “Great Power Game” involving geostrategic and geo-economic interests of local governments, regional actors, global powers, and international oil companies. The larger focus turns on underscoring the importance of the region’s large oil and gas reserves; its land connection between the Caspian Sea, South Caucasus, and Europe; and its long-standing territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet era. Iran and Turkey have fought for influence in the South Caucasus while maintaining relatively good bilateral relationships in the region.


Geografie ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 114 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-144
Author(s):  
Libor Jelen

The article deals with changes in ethnic structure in 13 political units of the North and the South Caucasus resulting from societal processes going on after the last 1989 Soviet census and illustrated by the outcome of censuses held in 1999–2005. The study deals with changes in population share of titular groups, Russians and other ethnic groups, with changing urbanization level and general regional population growth. It also makes an assessment of substantial changes in the ethnic structure in selected territories in connection with political and economical factors influencing the post-1989 development of the region and its ethno-territorial entities.


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