scholarly journals Statelessness, forced migration and the security dilemma along borders: an investigation of the foreign policy stance of Bangladesh on the Rohingya influx

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Sajedur Rahman ◽  
Nurul Huda Sakib

This book includes a collection of debates on foreign policy from the works of Guicciardini, freshly translated with new commentary. This book brings together eleven pairs of opposing speeches on foreign policy written by Florentine statesman and historian Francesco Guicciardini (1483–1540). Collectively, they constitute a remarkable collection of debates on war, peace, alliance, and more. Incisive and elegant, the debates contain an early formulation of concepts such as the balance of power and the security dilemma — ideas that are still in international politics today. This book highlights the importance of Guicciardini's work for the evolution of international theory and explains why he, alongside Machiavelli, should be considered a leading figure of Realism.


Author(s):  
Vakhtang Maisaia

The chapter reviews the fierce geopolitical competition between global powers over the hegemony positions in the Caucasus region. The geopolitical security when global powers flex their muscle and are on the way to achieve their missions and goals with assistance of new ideological threshold—Eurasia vs. Neo-Atlantism—induces the emergence of confrontation modality for the regional security perceptions not promoting peace and stability. The new security dilemma for the region is really identified as follows: Russia/China vs. USA/EU. It is an interesting point to consider how the competition affects formulating various foreign policy implications of the regional actors and in what capacity it strains geopolitical configuration in the area.


2001 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Jervis

Under the security dilemma, tensions and conflicts can arise between states even when they do not intend them. Some analysts have argued that the Cold War was a classic example of a security dilemma. This article disputes that notion. Although the Cold War contained elements of a deep security dilemma, it was not purely a case in which tensions and arms increased as each side defensively reacted to the other. The root of the conflict was a clash of social systems and of ideological preferences for ordering the world. Mutual security in those circumstances was largely unachievable. A true end to the Cold War was impossible until fundamental changes occurred in Soviet foreign policy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 004711782094035 ◽  
Author(s):  
Knud Erik Jørgensen ◽  
F. Asli Ergul Jorgensen

The realist theoretical tradition has never enjoyed a strong position in Europe. During recent decades, although it is commonly claimed otherwise, it even seems to have lost its limited traction and most of its relatively few representatives. The aim of the article is to analyse this evolution, highlight how realist theorists have contributed limited conceptual or theoretical innovation, been unable to adjust their research agenda to current analytical challenges, and produced relatively few comprehensive empirical studies informed by one or more realist theories. Instead, we observe three main activities. Some realists do meta-studies on realist theory. Others do retrospectives, for instance, (re-)discovering the qualities of classical realist scholars or classical concepts such as the security dilemma. Still others practice ideology that may enjoy certain functions in legitimising national foreign policy orientations but has limited theoretical quality. Thus, textbooks are probably the only remaining context in which realism is presented as constituting a dominant orientation; a fact that highlights the complex and problematic relationship between reality and representation.


1991 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 565-591 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Ann Tètreault

To reduce its strategic vulnerability, a small state may enter into a cliency relationship with a more powerful state. Among the consequences of cliency for the small state are the acquisition of resources, which can be used against threatening neighbors as well as against domestic populations, and the reduction of autonomy. In 1899, Mubarak, Kuwait's ruler, entered a cliency relationship with Britain. As a result, Kuwait was able to avoid incorporation into the Ottoman Empire. Although Mubarak and subsequent Kuwaiti rulers lost their foreign policy autonomy, they acquired resources enabling them to enhance their domestic autonomy by suppressing elite groups that were formerly integral participants in governing Kuwait. In 1961, oil revenues enabled Kuwait's rulers to end the cliency relationship and to provide their own resources for repressing or pacifying domestic groups. But the fact that oil revenues proved less effective than cliency in maintaining Kuwait's strategic security illustrates the fundamental security dilemma faced by all small states, even rich ones.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 464-481 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerasimos Tsourapas

Abstract How does forced migration affect the politics of host states and, in particular, how does it impact states’ foreign policy decision-making? The relevant literature on refugee politics has yet to fully explore how forced migration affects host states’ behavior. One possibility is that they will employ their position in order to extract revenue from other state or nonstate actors for maintaining refugee groups within their borders. This article explores the workings of these refugee rentier states, namely states seeking to leverage their position as host states of displaced communities for material gain. It focuses on the Syrian refugee crisis, examining the foreign policy responses of three major host states—Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey. While all three engaged in post-2011 refugee rent-seeking behavior, Jordan and Lebanon deployed a back-scratching strategy based on bargains, while Turkey deployed a blackmailing strategy based on threats. Drawing upon primary sources in English and Arabic, the article inductively examines the choice of strategy and argues that it depended on the size of the host state's refugee community and domestic elites’ perception of their geostrategic importance vis-à-vis the target. The article concludes with a discussion of these findings’ significance for understanding the international dimension of the Syrian refugee crisis and argues that they also pave the way for future research on the effects of forced displacement on host states’ political development.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alastair Iain Johnston

“Rising nationalism” has been a major meme in commentary on the development of China's material power since the early 1990s. Analysts often claim that rising nationalism, especially among China's youth, is an important force compelling the Chinese leadership to take a tougher stand on a range of foreign policy issues, particularly maritime disputes in East Asia. The rising nationalism meme is one element in the “newly assertive China” narrative that generalizes from China's coercive diplomacy in these disputes to claim that a dissatisfied China is challenging a U.S.-dominated liberal international order writ large. But is this meme accurate? Generally, research on Chinese nationalism has lacked a baseline against which to measure changing levels of nationalism across time. The data from the Beijing Area Study survey of Beijing residents from 1998 to 2015 suggest that the rising popular nationalism meme is empirically inaccurate. This finding implies that there are other factors that may be more important in explaining China's coercive diplomacy on maritime issues, such as elite opinion, the personal preferences of top leaders, security dilemma dynamics, organizational interests, or some combination thereof.


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