scholarly journals The Russian Factor in Turkey's Georgian Policy after the Russian-Georgian War (August 2008)

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (04) ◽  
pp. 1738-1747
Author(s):  
Murad Asadov

Formation of new states in the South Caucasus and Central Asia after the collapse of the Soviet Union raised to have relations with the Turkic peoples of Central Asia first in the history of the Republic for Turkey. Foreign policy the Caucasus continues to evolve in its foreign policy strategy. A force associated with this well-intentioned policy, which is adjacent to the Laki region, is always offered. Whenever Turkey wants to enter the Caucasus, it will not be adversely affected by other countries. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, Russia's influence in the region was weak. The nickname was temporary. At the beginning of the 21st century, Vladimir Putin received a well-developed document with the credibility of Putin. Turkey’s north-east neighbour Georgia is not a very big country, it has a particular importance of the geostrategic position not only in the Caucasus region but also in Turkey. Especially, the location of Georgia in the center of the transport and trade routes to the Caucasus and Central Asia increases its geostrategic status more. The main positive turning point in the development of Georgia-Turkey relations happened with the realization of oil and natural gas pipelines to run Caspian oil through Tbilisi to Turkey and from there to the West. This article will explore the Turkish-Russian relations of the late twentieth and early twenty first century and the Russian factor in Turkey's South Caucasus policy following the August 2008 events.

Author(s):  
Farkhad Linarovich Gumarov ◽  
Marat Zufarovich Galiullin ◽  
Luiza Kajumovna Karimova ◽  
Elvira Imbelevna Kamaletdinova

So far, the country has not had an official document defining the concept of foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. The relevance of the problem under study lies in the need to define modern approaches to the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Turkey with respect to Central Asian States. The objective of this article is to analyses the evolution of Turkish foreign policy towards Turkish-speaking states since the early 1990swhile determining the role and importance of these states to Turkey. Historical-genetic and chronological methods have been used as tools to support historical study. The historical and genetic method allows to track the dissemination and consistent of changes in the object of this study. In addition, the method of research and presentation of chronological problems contributes to consistent coverage of the peculiarities of significant events of regional and international importance. The study revealed a tendency to transform Turkey's policy towards The Turkish-speaking states of Central Asia, since the collapse of the Soviet Union.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 043-049
Author(s):  
Punit GAUR ◽  
Anurag TRIPATHI ◽  
Shovan Sinha RAY

After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan’s economy was weak since most of the industrial enterprises were located in Russia. To attain economic growth, Kazakhstan crafted a unique foreign policy known as the multi-vector foreign policy, which facilitated an easy inflow of direct foreign investments into the state economy. After economic liberalization in 1991, India took a serious interest in Central Asia, and since then the two nations have come a long way marked by complex interdependence in the international arena. They have demonstrated a successful and sustained upward trend in their bilateral relationship through soft power, trade and long-standing historical connections. Thus, the prospects of mutual cooperation between Central Asia, particularly Kazakhstan, and India are quite promising in the near future.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-94
Author(s):  
Dominik Sonnleitner

Abstract The Caucasus played a prominent role in the Russian foreign policy for a long time, which has not changed since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Beginning with four general hypothesis about Russia’s interests in its “near abroad” the essays gives an insights in the current status and developments in the relations between Russia and its southern neighbors Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan. A special focus is on the frozen conflicts in South Ossetia and Naghorno-Karabakh and Russia’s role in these conflicts.


2016 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marian Burchardt ◽  
Hovhannes Hovhannisyan

This article draws on the notion of ‘cultural defense’ to examine how nationalism shapes contemporary contestations around religion and secularity in Armenia. While clearly relevant, this framework has rarely been used for the analysis of religious change in the Caucasus region as part of the broader post-Soviet space. This article fills this lacuna. Simultaneously, it moves beyond the relatively narrow interest in the degree of secularization or reinforced religious nationalism as social outcomes of cultural defense situations. Instead, we are interested in how boundaries between religion and secular spheres in society are drawn in particular ways, how the resulting religious – secular configurations have evolved since the end of the Soviet Union – of which Armenia was a part – and how concepts of nationhood and nationalist mobilizations have shaped this process.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. e45131
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Monteiro de Carvalho

RESUMOPosicionado entre a Europa e a Ásia, linha de contato entre as civilizações islâmica e cristã e lar de diversas etnias, o Cáucaso foi disputado por persas, turcos e russos durante séculos. Após um breve período de independência, ao final da década de 1910, Armênia, Geórgia e Azerbaijão permaneceram sob o rígido controle de Moscou por quase a totalidade do século XX. No entanto, antes mesmo da extinção oficial da União Soviética, em 1991, conflitos étnicos e movimentos independentistas passaram a aflorar na região. Neste artigo, procura-se analisar de forma comparada os ressurgimentos dos nacionalismos armênio, azerbaijano e georgiano durante os anos finais do regime soviético, assim como os processos de independência e posterior construção de seus respectivos Estados nacionais. Espera-se demonstrar que os conflitos étnico-políticos que afloraram no Cáucaso durante o processo de desintegração soviética serviram como catalizadores para o reavivamento dos nacionalismos na região.Palavras-Chave: Cáucaso do Sul; nacionalismos; desintegração soviética.ABSTRACTPlaced between Europe and Asia, line of contact between Islamic and Christian civilizations and home to various ethnicities, the Caucasus has been disputed by Persians, Turks and Russians for centuries. After a brief period of independence in the late 1910s, Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan remained under the tight control of Moscow for almost the entire twentieth century. However, even before the official demise of the Soviet Union in 1991, ethnic conflicts and independence movements began to surface in the region. This paper seeks to analyze in a comparative way the resurgence of Armenian, Georgian and Azerbaijani nationalisms during the final years of the Soviet regime, as well as the processes of independence and subsequent construction of their respective national states. It is expected to demonstrate that the ethnic-political conflicts that erupted in the Caucasus during the soviet disintegration served as catalysts for the revival of nationalisms in the region.Keywords: South Caucasus; nationalisms; soviet disintegration. Recebido em: 09 Set.2019 | Aceito em: 16 Dez.2019


2018 ◽  
pp. 55-59
Author(s):  
Khatuna Chapichadze

After providing a brief overview of the US policy in the South Caucasus from the beginning of the 90s of the 20th century as there have emerged three new countries in the region after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the article mainly focuses on relatively less active engagement from the side of the United States into the affairs of the South Caucasus since the presidency of Barack Obama maintained if not untypically deepened even more under Donald Trump currently as well. These trends are explained through the prism of the general standpoints of the latest American administrations promoting the idea of less or non-interference of the superpower in other countries’, regions’ or continents’ notably domestic matters. There are discussed major implications of such, i.e. the less active US foreign policy observed among others, also in the South Caucasus lately, although in the case of this region clearly primarily with less desirable effects as it appears in fact, taking into account on the other hand however quite diverse needs and interests of Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia. The article critically analyses the consequences the US recent withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal, as well as its re-imposition of economic sanctions against Iran might have for the South Caucasian countries, addresses the factor of latest uncertainty over the NATO member Turkey, covers the Russian problem, and raises one of the crucial issues whether the current US President Donald Trump has more actual decisive power than the Congress, also in terms of foreign policy implementation, or not.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-358
Author(s):  
Alin Roman

"As a young nation that came into existence following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Republic of Kazakhstan undergoes a gradual transformation within its demographics. The issue of national identity within what was once an important and well-integrated part of the USSR continues to draw the involvement of its administrative apparatus that has to find the equilibrium between, on one hand, maintaining national integrity through various mechanisms and, on the other, managing the level of external and internal factors that may lead to the fate of its fellow Central-Asian republics. Keywords: nationalism, populism, Central Asia, statehood, post-Soviet identity"


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Swirszcz

Uncovering the importance of Islam in Chechen national identity is not necessarily difficult. Alexei Malashenko has noted that Chechen identity today cannot be considered outside the context of Islamic tradition. Chechnya today is not an independent Muslim state. Its embracing of Islam came about during a time of colonization, when Chechens were struggling to halt Russian encroachment on their lands. Many works pertaining to Islam in Chechnya suggest that, at the time of Russian advancement in the eighteenth century, most Chechens were “nominally” Muslim. This has been attributed to the geographic isolation of the Caucasus. While the rugged mountainous landscape and thick forests which cover the region provided protection from invaders, it also hindered interaction among the various mountain peoples as well as the strength of outside religious influence. Soon after their defeat to the tsarist Russians, the Bolshevik Revolution occurred and Chechens spent the following 80 years under Soviet rule. After the fall of the Soviet Union, the Republic of Chechnya declared independence alongside the full-fledged Soviet Socialist Republics, though their independence was not recognized by the UN. The Chechen victory over the Russian Federation in the first war in 1994–1996 has been considered a remarkable military defeat. However, a weak economy, high unemployment, and criminality caused the young nation to fall into a state of lawlessness and radicalism, eventually causing it to suffer a defeat to the Russians in the second war, which began in 1999. The present day is characterized by exhaustion and a desire for peace, a desire that ultimately has meant deference to Russian rule.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 963-971
Author(s):  
K. V. Yumatov ◽  
K. N. Sivina

The research featured the history of the interstate relations between Azerbaijan and the Republic of Turkey, its main stages and issues, as well as its dependence on various internal political changes and political figures. What began as an internal conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan during Perestroika in the Soviet Union grew into an interstate affair, which currently involves the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The author believes that the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after the military conflict of 2020 is an important part in historical and political studies on the Azerbaijan – Turkey relations. Initially, Turkey took a pro-Azerbaijani position in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, its negative attitude to Armenia put it on the periphery of the peacekeeping process in the OSCE Minsk Group. Guided by the ideology of "one people, two countries", Turkey helped Azerbaijan to overcome the political and economic crisis in the 1990s, as well as to lobby its interests in the UN, the NATO, the OSCE, and the OIC. In 2020, Erdogan’s expansionist policy allowed Azerbaijan to regain most territories annexed by Armenia during the Karabakh war in the 1990s.


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