Women, Peace and Security in the SADC Region

2020 ◽  
pp. 934-950
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Kurebwa
Keyword(s):  
Peace Building ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Durable Peace

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda is a key part of the international, continental and regional programme for attaining sustainable and durable peace. Conflict and post-conflict situations have a different impact on women, men, boys and girls. During conflicts, women and children are more vulnerable to sexual violence and exploitation, displacement, a change to household relations and poverty. There have been concerted efforts to identify and address the impact of conflict on women and children and to provide for more responsive, representative and inclusive peace and security structures and processes. SADC countries have made great strides in enacting gender sensitive legislations, representation of women in cabinet, parliament, local government, and security sector institutions. Women have not adequately been represented in mediation and peace-building efforts and most peace agreements lack gender sensitivity. Peace agreements do not include reference to specific needs or interests of women.

Women, Peace and Security in the SADC Region

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 48-63
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Kurebwa
Keyword(s):  
Peace Building ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Durable Peace

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda is a key part of the international, continental and regional programme for attaining sustainable and durable peace. Conflict and post-conflict situations have a different impact on women, men, boys and girls. During conflicts, women and children are more vulnerable to sexual violence and exploitation, displacement, a change to household relations and poverty. There have been concerted efforts to identify and address the impact of conflict on women and children and to provide for more responsive, representative and inclusive peace and security structures and processes. SADC countries have made great strides in enacting gender sensitive legislations, representation of women in cabinet, parliament, local government, and security sector institutions. Women have not adequately been represented in mediation and peace-building efforts and most peace agreements lack gender sensitivity. Peace agreements do not include reference to specific needs or interests of women.

Education in pre‐ and post‐conflict contexts: relating capability and life‐skills approaches

2007 ◽  
Vol 34 (1/2) ◽  
pp. 53-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean‐Luc Dubois ◽  
Milène Trabelsi
Keyword(s):  
Life Skills ◽  
Education Programme ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Quantitative Studies ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
The Mind ◽  
Skills Education ◽  
The Impact

PurposeConflicts, especially when they turn into civil war or genocide, have irreversible consequences for people. The impact is not only economic as shown by several quantitative studies, but also social and ethical since it deeply affects the mind and behaviour of both current and future generations. The main issue is, therefore, to avoid the eruption of such conflicts, in both pre and post‐conflict situations, by implementing preventive approaches. The purpose of this paper is to address this issue.Design/methodology/approachEven if macro‐analyses bring up a series of objective causal factors to explain the reasons of uprisings and conflicts, we insist on the importance of people's micro‐attitudes when confronted by such events. The freedom of the agent to react appropriately in order to generate peace, and his responsibility towards the other, become nowadays essential and have to be improved by appropriate innovative education programmes.FindingsLearning to live together and to behave with esteem and confidence, can contribute substantially to the peace‐keeping or peace‐building processes, especially in pre and post‐conflict situations. Such specific capabilities connect to the “life skills” education programme and could bring vital new opportunities.Practical implicationsHowever, the economic or political causes of societal failure may still remain, at the macro‐level, and jeopardise these opportunities, with the risk of transforming these positive capabilities into negative behaviour. Therefore, implementing in addition a social precautionary principle and appropriate investigation tools such as observatories and sentinel sites may be required to monitor such risks.Originality/valueThe paper offers insights into the following issue: to what extend and under which conditions will micro‐level measures effectively contribute to peace‐keeping, in the case of pre‐conflict situations, and to peace‐restoring in the case of post‐conflict contexts.

scholarly journals The African Peace and Security Architecture as a Tool for the Maintenance of Peace and Security. Part 1

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 179-194
Author(s):  
Bewuketu Dires Gardachew
Keyword(s):  
Early Warning ◽  
Early Warning System ◽  
Warning System ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Security Architecture ◽  
African Union ◽  
Effective Implementation ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Operational Structure

This study critically explores the extent to which the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) (such as the African Standby Force (ASF), the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), Panel of the Wise (PoW) and the Peace Fund (PF)) have been successful in achieving their institutional objectives, as well as the degree to which they are able to contribute to the work of the African Union Peace and Security Council (AU PSC). The AU PSC as a key pillar of the APSA is the main decision-making body regarding issues of peace and security. In order to achieve its responsibility, the AU PSC shall be supported by the African Standby Force, the Continental Early Warning System, Panel of the Wise and the Peace Fund. APSA is the umbrella term for the key African Union (AU) mechanisms for promoting peace, security and stability in the African continent. More specifically, it is an operational structure for the effective implementation of the decisions taken in the areas of conflict prevention, peace-making, peace support operations and intervention, as well as peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction. APSA is envisioned as a means by which Africa can take a greater role in managing peace and security on the continent, with the objective of offering “African solutions to African problems”.

Human Trafficking, Human Rights and Women, Peace and Security: The Sound of Silence

2020 ◽  
pp. 189-206
Author(s):  
Gema Fernández Rodríguez de Liévana ◽  
Christine Chinkin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Human Trafficking ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Gender Based Violence ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Human Rights Regime ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Gender Based ◽  
Human Rights Based Approach

The chapter discusses the tension that exists between three separate UN agendas, those relating to CEDAW and WPS; the fight against trafficking in human beings; and the Security Council’s broader agenda for the maintenance of international peace and security. It considers in particular how the securitisation of WPS and human trafficking by the Security Council has diluted and fragmented the discourse of women’s human rights. It argues that as a form of gender-based violence, human trafficking is subject to the human rights regime that has evolved to combat such violence and that human rights mechanisms should be engaged to hold States responsible for their failure to exercise due diligence to prevent, protect against and prosecute those responsible – in the widest sense – for human trafficking. The incidence of human trafficking (as a form of gender-based violence) in armed conflict means that it comes naturally under the auspices of the WPS agenda. The Security Council’s silence in this regard constitutes of itself a form of violence that weakens the potential of the WPS agenda to bring structural transformation in post-conflict contexts. In agreement with the Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, especially women and children and cognisant of some of the downsides, we argue that ‘in order to ensure more efficient anti-trafficking responses, a human rights-based approach … should be mainstreamed into all pillars of the women and peace and security agenda’. In turn this would provide a new direction for the WPS agenda.

scholarly journals In search of legitimacy: restorative youth conferencing in Northern Ireland

Legal Studies ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Doak ◽  
David O'Mahony
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Restorative Justice ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Restorative Practices ◽  
Juvenile Offending ◽  
Criminal Justice Reform ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Central Response

Restorative justice principles often feature prominently in peace agreements and initiatives to foster reconciliation and peace-building. As part of its own transitional process, Northern Ireland has undertaken a wide-ranging programme of criminal justice reform, whereby restorative practices have become a central response to juvenile offending. Drawing on a major evaluation of the Northern Ireland Youth Conferencing Scheme, this paper suggests that restorative conferencing holds the potential not only to promote reconciliation between victims and offenders, but it may even bolster the legitimacy deficit suffered by criminal justice institutions. Whilst is vital that such schemes continue to foster their engagement with civil society and the wider community, the broader potential of restorative processes to contribute to post-conflict peace-building is considerable, especially in relation to fostering a sense of legitimacy necessary for the operation of society and the institutions of the state.

Unlocking the Potential of CEDAW as an Important Accountability Tool for the Women, Peace and Security Agenda

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pramilla Patten
Keyword(s):  
Gender Based Violence ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
Optional Protocol ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Access To Health ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
General Recommendation ◽  
Gender Based

This chapter explores the application of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) to conflict and post-conflict contexts as detailed in General Recommendation 30. It examines the implications of CEDAW and General Recommendation 30 on gender-based violence, the trafficking of women, the situation of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees, women’s participation, and women’s access to health, education, employment, and justice. It also focuses on CEDAW’s reporting procedure, and suggests that this tool be utilized more effectively to address women’s situations in conflict and post-conflict situations. The chapter also examines the Optional Protocol to CEDAW as an accountability tool. The chapter concludes by emphasizing the importance of CEDAW acting in synergy with the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda.

scholarly journals The African Peace and Security Architecture as a Tool for the Maintenance of Peace and Security. Part 2

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 322-333
Author(s):  
Bewuketu Dires Gardachew
Keyword(s):  
Early Warning ◽  
Early Warning System ◽  
Warning System ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Security Architecture ◽  
African Union ◽  
Effective Implementation ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Operational Structure

This study critically explores the extent to which the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) (such as the African Standby Force (ASF), the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), Panel of the Wise (PoW) and the Peace Fund (PF)) have been successful in achieving their institutional objectives, as well as the degree to which they are able to contribute to the work of the African Union Peace and Security Council (AU PSC). The AU PSC as a key pillar of the APSA is the main decision-making body regarding issues of peace and security. In order to achieve its responsibility, the AU PSC shall be supported by the African Standby Force, the Continental Early Warning System, Panel of the Wise and the Peace Fund. APSA is the umbrella term for the key African Union (AU) mechanisms for promoting peace, security and stability in the African continent. More specifically, it is an operational structure for the effective implementation of the decisions taken in the areas of conflict prevention, peace-making, peace support operations and intervention, as well as peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction. APSA is envisioned as a means by which Africa can take a greater role in managing peace and security on the continent, with the objective of offering African solutions to African problems.

Gender, Conflict and Peace-keeping Operations

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Hadjipavlou
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
Gender Conflict ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
Marginalized Women ◽  
Peace Initiatives

Gender shapes how both men and women understand their experiences and actions regarding armed conflicts. A gender perspective in the context of conflict situations means to pay close attention to the special needs of women and girls during peace-building processes, including disarmament, demobilization, repatriation, resettlement, rehabilitation, reintegration to the social fabric in post-conflict reconstruction, as well as to take measures to support local women’s peace initiatives. In this light, the overall culture, both within the UN and its member states, needs to be addressed. This culture is still patriarchal and supportive of state militaries, and peacekeeping operations that are comprised of them, which are based on a hegemonic masculinity that depends on the trivialization of women and the exploitation and commodification of women’s bodies. The values, qualities, and qualifications for peace-keeping personnel, on the ground and in senior positions, have been framed and adopted through a patriarchal understanding of peace-keeping, peace-building, and peace-making which has defined security narrowly, has relied on state militaries and military experts to be peace enforcers and makers, has been disinterested in the relationship between conflict and social inequalities, has imposed new social inequalities and new violences in the name of peacekeeping, and has systematically excluded or marginalized women in peace-keeping, peace-building, and peacemaking processes. Although the recent advances, reflected in Security Council, other UN, and member state resolutions and mandates, of integrating gender concerns into these processes have made a positive difference in some operations, implementation of these is still marginal.

scholarly journals Covering Post-Conflict Elections: Challenges for the Media in Central Africa

2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Soleil Frère
Keyword(s):  
Central Africa ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
The Past ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
The Press ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Many ◽  
Congo Brazzaville

In the past ten years, elections were held in six countries of Central Africa experiencing “post-conflict” situations. The polls that took place in Burundi (2005), the Central African Republic (2005), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (2006), Congo-Brazzaville (2002, 2007), Chad (1996, 2001, 2006) and Rwanda (2003) were crucial for peace-building. In some cases, they were widely supported and supervised by the international community, being considered the last step of a peace process and the first step toward establishing a truly representative “post-conflict” regime. The media were expected to play a large part in supporting these elections, both to inform the citizens, so they could make an educated choice, and to supervise the way the electoral administration was organizing the polls. This paper attempts to show the many challenges faced by the media while covering these post-conflict electoral processes. In a context of great political tension, in which candidates are often former belligerents who have just put down their guns to go to the polls, the media operate in an unsafe and economically damaged environment, suffering from a lack of infrastructure, inadequate equipment and untrained staff. Given those constraints, one might wonder if the media should be considered actual democratic tools in Central Africa or just gimmicks in a “peace-building kit” (including “free and fair” elections, multipartism and freedom of the press) with no real impact on the democratic commitment of the elite or the political participation of the population.

scholarly journals In the Aftermath of Reparations: The Experiences of Female Beneficiaries of Ghana’s Reparations Programme

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Regina Akosua Dede Baiden
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
Lived Experiences ◽  
Recovery Process ◽  
International Level ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Experiences Of Women

With increased attention to the needs of women in conflict and post-conflict situations, a multitude of resolutions on Women, Peace and Security have been adopted at the international level. Security Council Resolutions 1325, 1820, and 2122 all reflect an increased recognition of the need to engage, monitor, and increase women’s participation in post-conflict recovery process. Although scholars on reparations have focused on the benefits that a gendered perspective brings to reparations programmes, scare research exists on the experiences of women years after the acquisition of reparation. This article investigates the lived experiences of female beneficiaries of Ghana’s reparations programme 8 years after completion of the programme. It highlights the violence experienced by four female beneficiaries of the programme, showing the long-term impacts of violence on their lives. The article reveals the reparations programme’s inability to adequately address the effect of violence on the lives of female beneficiaries.

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