Respect for Human Rights as a Predictor of Arab Spring Intensity

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew D Hudson-Flege

The popular uprisings of the Arab Spring have had a profound impact in the Arab World and beyond, and numerous researchers and commentators have explored the causes of these events. The present study sought to build upon an empirical exploration of political, economic, and social predictive factors of Arab Spring intensity by incorporating measures of countries' respect for human rights. Ordinal regression analyses found that countries' scores on the Cingranelli-Richards (CIRI) Physical Integrity Rights Index in 2010 significantly predicted levels of unrest experienced during the Arab Spring, such that countries who demonstrated less respect for physical integrity human rights experienced higher levels of unrest during the Arab Spring. The implications for future research and policy are discussed.

2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 124-127
Author(s):  
Mohd Yaseen Gada

The Arab Spring, which began in December 2010, mobilized the Arab massesto depose once-uncontestable autocratic rulers. Many observers predicted thatthis regional uprising would move the Arab world from autocracy to democracyin no time. However, the present scenario speaks to the contrary. Althoughmany are struggling to understand its long-term effects, one thing iscertain: This ongoing event has engendered a significant change in the people’ssociopolitical awareness. Consequently, many writers have approachedit from various social, political, economic, and religious aspects.The book under review seeks to examine and explore this subjectthrough a unique and different aspect: the contribution of “civic entrepreneurship,” defined as an innovative, non-violent, and peaceful “citizen-driveneffort to mobilize communities to respond to opportunities or crises in orderto advance the collective good” (p. 2). In its seven chapters, the author emphasizesthe revolution’s non-violent roots under three main sections: “CivicEntrepreneurship in Politics and Society, Civic Entrepreneurship in Art andCulture, and Civic Entrepreneurship in Technology Startups” (p. 3). Thefirst three chapters attempt to form the theoretical foundation for her mainargument ...


Author(s):  
Grote Rainer ◽  
Röder Tilmann J

This book offers a comprehensive analysis of the impact that new and draft constitutions and amendments—such as those in Jordan, Morocco, Syria, Egypt, and Tunisia—have had on the transformative processes that drive constitutionalism in Arab countries. The authors aim to identify and analyze the key issues facing constitutional law and democratic development in Islamic states, and offer an in-depth examination of the relevance of the transformation processes for the development and future of constitutionalism in Arab countries. Using an encompassing and multi-faceted approach, this book explores underlying trends and currents that have been pivotal to the Arab Spring, while identifying and providing a forward looking view of constitution making in the Arab world. In its analysis, this book also includes country-specific case studies on the relationship between Islam and the rule of law and human rights, within contemporary Islamic societies and offers an in-depth comparison of Arab Spring constitutionalism to the models of constitutionalism around the world.


2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-52
Author(s):  
Salem Alshehri

The Arab Spring, which began at the end of 2010, created an atmosphere in the Arab world suitable for improving the protection of human rights through the establishment of the Arab Court of Human Rights. Plans to establish this court have existed since 2004, following the modification of the Arab Charter on Human Rights. This article explores the need for the establishment of the court, which will be a dream come true for residents in the Arab world.


Author(s):  
Eyal Zisser

In the middle of the winter of 2010 the “Spring of the Arab Nations,” suddenly erupted without any warning all over the Middle East. However, the momentum of the uprisings was impeded rather quickly, and the hopes held out for the “Spring of the Arab Nations” turned into frustration and disappointment. While many Israelis were focusing their attention in surprise, and some, without a doubt, with concern as well, on what was happening in the region around them, suddenly, in Israel itself, at the height of the steamy summer of 2011, an “Israeli Spring” broke out. The protesters were young Israelis belonging to the Israeli middle class. Their demands revolved around the slogan, “Let us live in our land.” However, similar to what happened in the Arab world, the Israeli protest subsided little by little. The hassles of daily life and security and foreign affairs concerns once more became the focus of the public's attention. And so the protesters' hopes were disappointed, and Israel's political, economic, and social order remained unshaken.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 422-437 ◽  
Author(s):  
As'ad Ghanem

This paper examines the implications of the Arab Spring for the Palestinians. The aim is to point out the basic lessons and implications of the transformations occurring in the Arab world for the Palestinians as an exceptional case, due to their situation under occupation and exile. Cause for optimism is discerned in the anticipated increase in broad and practical Arab support for the Palestinians. However, the contention here is that Palestinians themselves have derived too limited a lesson from the Arab revolutions by focusing only on the call for unity between the competing Palestinian factions. Their reconciliation is only about their self-preservation and that of the system which has served them hitherto. The recommendations posited here are for the Palestinians to embrace the full message of the Arab Spring and make peaceful protest en masse and across the whole Palestinian people their path to liberation.


Author(s):  
L. Fituni

The author presents his own original conception of the 2011 Arab upheavals. First, he tries to find parallels between the Arab Spring and the 19th century European Spring of Peoples. Second, he dwells on the idea of three types of transition in the Arab World: economic, demographic, and ideological. Third, he reflects on the issues of democracy and autocracy in the Arab countries emphasizing the role of youth. Fourth, he puts forward some new ideas as regards the relationship between Europe and the Arab World, offering such terms as “democratic internationalism” and “young democratic safety belt” in the Mediterranean region.


2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-161
Author(s):  
G. G. Kosach

The paper examines the evolution of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy in the context of wider changes in the Middle East and in the Arab world triggered by the Arab Spring. The author argues that during this decade the Kingdom’s foreign policy has witnessed a fundamental transformation: the very essence of the Saudi foreign policy course has changed signifi cantly as the political es-tablishment has substantially revised its approaches to the country’s role in the region and in the world. Before 2011, Saudi Arabia — the land of the ‘Two Holy Mosques’ — positioned itself as a representative of the international Muslim community and in pursuing its foreign policy relied primarily on the religious authority and fi nancial capabilities. However, according to Saudi Arabia’s leaders, the Arab Spring has plunged the region into chaos and has bolstered the infl uence of various extremist groups and movements, which required a signifi cant adjustment of traditional political approaches. Saudi Arabia, more explicit than ever before, has declared itself as a nation state, as a regional leader possessing its own interests beyond the abstract ‘Muslim Ummah’. However, the author stresses that these new political ambitions do not imply a complete break with the previous practice. For example, the containment of Iran not only remains the cornerstone of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy, but has become even more severe. The paper shows that it is this opposition to Iran, which is now justifi ed on the basis of protecting the national interests, that predetermines the nature and the specifi c content of contemporary Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy including interaction with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), approaches towards the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian confl ict, combating terrorism, and relations with the United States. In that regard, the transformation of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy has, on the one hand, opened up new opportunities for strengthening the Kingdom’s interaction with Israel, but, at the same time, has increased tensions within the framework of strategic partnership with the United States. The author concludes that currently Saudi Arabia is facing a challenge of diversifying its foreign policy in order to increase its international profi le and political subjectivity.


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