Studying Violence Against Women of Color: Problems Faced by a White Woman

Author(s):  
Kimberly Huisman
Author(s):  
Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw

Identity-based politics has been a source of strength for people of color, gays and lesbians, among others. The problem with identity politics is that it often conflates intra group differences. Exploring the various ways in which race and gender intersect in shaping structural and political aspects of violence against these women, it appears the interests and experiences of women of color are frequently marginalized within both feminist  and antiracist discourses. Both discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. However,  the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes our actual experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform quite different from that of white women. Similarly, both feminist and antiracist politics have functioned in tandem to marginalize the issue of violence against women of color. The effort to politicize violence against women will do little to address the experiences of nonwhite women until the ramifications of racial stratification among women are acknowledged. At the same time, the anti-racist agenda will not be furthered by suppressing the reality of intra-racial violence against women of color. The effect of both these marginalizations is that women of color have no ready means to link their experiences with those of other women.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-169
Author(s):  
Bonnie Moradi ◽  
Mike C. Parent ◽  
Alexandra S. Weis ◽  
Staci Ouch ◽  
Kendal L. Broad

In this study, we conducted a citation network analysis of intersectionality scholarship. We aimed to elucidate content domains in this scholarship’s citation network. In addition, we explored a citation-based genealogy of this scholarship, attending to the representation of women of color identified in prior critical analyses of intersectionality scholarship as key but under-acknowledged contributors to intersectional thought and praxis. We used CitNetExplorer to analyze a network of 17,332 records and 60,132 citation links. The analysis yielded 17 clusters, with the five largest clusters focusing on (1) conceptualizing intersectionality theory, methodology, and analysis; (2) psychology, identity stigma, and multiple minority statuses; (3) sociology of gender inequality, labor markets, and organizations; (4) political science, political systems and policy, including in the European context; and (5) violence against women, gender and health, and health equity. Although some of the key women of color contributors to intersectional thought were among the most cited authors in the network, others were cited infrequently or not at all across the network and clusters. Taken together, the analyses revealed substantial and ongoing engagement with efforts to define and refine intersectionality as epistemology and methodology. However, the analyses pointed to the need for scholars to reengage with, cite, and follow the examples of the women of color who contributed to intersectional thought by actually doing intersectional praxis that directly advances social justice aims. Some of the smaller clusters in the citation network reflected content domains, such as environmental justice and community planning, ripe for such activist-scholar work. Online slides for instructors who want to use this article for teaching are available on PWQ's website at http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/suppl/10.1177/0361684320902408


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-101
Author(s):  
Leigh Goodmark

The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) is the signature federal legislative accomplishment of the anti-violence movement and has ensured that criminalization is the primary response to intimate partner violence in the United States. But at the time of its passage, some anti-violence activists, particularly women of color, warned that criminalization would be problematic for a number of reasons, a caution that has borne fruit in the 25 years since VAWA’s passage. This article critiques the effectiveness of criminalization as anti-domestic violence policy and imagines what a non-carceral VAWA could look like.


Author(s):  
Nancy Whittier

Chapter 4 examines the Violence Against Women Act and the ambivalent alliance that led to it. The chapter shows the influence of feminist organizations on the legislation and traces how support from conservative elected officials formed alongside opposition from conservative activists outside the state. Conservatives and many liberals in Congress sought to be tough on crime and protect women from domestic violence and rape, while feminists sought to reduce the systematic victimization of women and improve the response from law enforcement and others. Congressional testimony promulgated a frame about violence against women as a gendered crime that could be understood in different ways by different sides. The chapter shows how this frame promoted VAWA’s success but feminist advocates’ intersectional goals for immigrants, women of color, and LGBT people were marginalized. The chapter shows how, by 2011, conservative activists’ influence on Congress through the Tea Party movement and feminists’ ongoing push to strengthen VAWA’s intersectional dimensions destabilized agreement on VAWA. The chapter addresses feminist criticism of VAWA as a case of carceral feminism, showing how VAWA’s discourse and legislation promoted both carceral, non-carceral, and intersectional frames and outcomes. VAWA reflects both unprecedented feminist legislative influence countervailing conservative influence.


2021 ◽  

Feminist studies have rejected the assumption according to which gender violence is an individual or private issue that has to be primarily approached from a psychological perspective. They have underscored the link between gender violence and other factors of social inequalities. Feminists contend that men use violence as a means to exercise power over women. They have defended the idea according to which violence against women is a form of political violence. Marxist/materialist feminisms have argued that the dichotomy between the private and the public spheres structures power relations between women and men. They have shown that the private/public distinction depoliticizes the private sphere. Simultaneously, they have demonstrated that the private sphere—as much as the public domain—is a political construction which serves to reinforce women’s subordination and their social, political and economic exploitation. Women’s relegation to domestic tasks and their responsibility for care work reinforce the norm of political participation and economic resources as a male privilege. The concept of political violence locates politics in the public domain, and links violence with armed conflicts, social movements, and wars. By contrast, feminist studies situate the production of political violence within domains of life which were previously dismissed as irrelevant for politics: the home, the neighborhood, the intimate space, interpersonal relations and everyday life. Feminist theories make visible the political nature of violence against women. They consider that violence against women takes various forms, occurs in all social spaces, and is closely intertwined with gender hierarchies. Violence against women is an instrument for maintaining women’s oppression and men’s privileges in societies. The political economy of patriarchy and gendered inequalities makes women more vulnerable and fuels violence against women. Furthermore, women of color and queer feminists have highlighted the importance of other categories of identity such as race, class, and sexuality in the way gender violence is deployed. A focus on gender, instead of women, enables to bring nuances to monolithic representations of masculinity and femininity by demonstrating how the masculine and the feminine constitute socially constructed sets of attributes, behaviors, and roles that are constantly negotiated and changing over time and history. An intersectional approach to gender is therefore necessary to understand how violence differently targets and affects women of color and queer people.


Adeptus ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Kot

You should/mustn’t be a mother: intersectionalities of gender and sexuality within non-heteronormative women familiesIn this paper I aim to illustrate the intersectionality of sexuality and gender within non-heteronormative women families with usage of intersectionality framework from the classical text of K. Crenshaw Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color, which analyzes the structural, political and representational intersectionalities. Taking into consideration the impossibility to embrace all identity constructs and intersections between them, I’m going to focus on two dimensions: gender and sexuality, which, as I will try to illustrate, are crucial for studying realities of inequalities faced by non-heteronormative women parents in Poland. Powinnaś/Nie wolno ci być matką: intersekcjonalność gender i seksualności w rodzinach nieheteronormatywnych kobietCelem artykułu jest przedstawienie intersekcjonalności seksualności i gender w rodzinach nieheteronormatywnych kobiet w oparciu o metodologię klasycznego tekstu K. Crenshaw Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color, w którym analizie poddana została intersekcjonalność strukturalna, polityczna i reprezentacyjna. Biorąc pod uwagę niemożność uchwycenia wszystkich konstruktów tożsamościowych i ich wzajemnych relacji, skupię się na dwóch aspektach: płci kulturowej i seksualności, które jak postaram się zobrazować, mają decydujący wpływ na nierówności napotykane przez nieheteronormatywne kobiety-rodziców w Polsce.


1991 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 1301 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Chezia Carraway

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