scholarly journals Gender and Political Violence

Feminist studies have rejected the assumption according to which gender violence is an individual or private issue that has to be primarily approached from a psychological perspective. They have underscored the link between gender violence and other factors of social inequalities. Feminists contend that men use violence as a means to exercise power over women. They have defended the idea according to which violence against women is a form of political violence. Marxist/materialist feminisms have argued that the dichotomy between the private and the public spheres structures power relations between women and men. They have shown that the private/public distinction depoliticizes the private sphere. Simultaneously, they have demonstrated that the private sphere—as much as the public domain—is a political construction which serves to reinforce women’s subordination and their social, political and economic exploitation. Women’s relegation to domestic tasks and their responsibility for care work reinforce the norm of political participation and economic resources as a male privilege. The concept of political violence locates politics in the public domain, and links violence with armed conflicts, social movements, and wars. By contrast, feminist studies situate the production of political violence within domains of life which were previously dismissed as irrelevant for politics: the home, the neighborhood, the intimate space, interpersonal relations and everyday life. Feminist theories make visible the political nature of violence against women. They consider that violence against women takes various forms, occurs in all social spaces, and is closely intertwined with gender hierarchies. Violence against women is an instrument for maintaining women’s oppression and men’s privileges in societies. The political economy of patriarchy and gendered inequalities makes women more vulnerable and fuels violence against women. Furthermore, women of color and queer feminists have highlighted the importance of other categories of identity such as race, class, and sexuality in the way gender violence is deployed. A focus on gender, instead of women, enables to bring nuances to monolithic representations of masculinity and femininity by demonstrating how the masculine and the feminine constitute socially constructed sets of attributes, behaviors, and roles that are constantly negotiated and changing over time and history. An intersectional approach to gender is therefore necessary to understand how violence differently targets and affects women of color and queer people.

Author(s):  
Caron E. Gentry

The public/private divide assumes that men are the (public sphere) actors gendered toward the possibility of violent action, specifically as soldiers, combatants, guerrillas, or revolutionaries, whereas “proper” women within the private sphere are gendered to be non-violent or peaceful actors. Women who engage in the political sphere are condemned for deviating from the private, and more so when they are involved in violence. Indeed, women who operate as agents of political violence are accused of transgressing both gender norms and the normative conceptualization of a state’s monopoly on violence. Feminists have challenged the veracity of this public/private circumscription through their evaluation of women as agents of political violence. Earlier feminist work dehumanizes politically violent women, making their violence more damaging and mental health more damaged than men who commit the same violence. Feminists later moved away from this dehumanization and instead portrayed women as helpmates to the politically violent organization and its male members. Some or most mainstream approaches refer to women involved in sub-state political violence as “terrorists,” and women terrorists are socially constructed as doubly illegitimate actors. Instead of focusing on what must be wrong with the women who engage in political violence, research should identify the reasons behind their actions, such as perceived injustices against them, their community, and/or political and civil rights.


2009 ◽  
pp. 59-77
Author(s):  
Nadčge Ragaru

- The purpose of this article is threefold. First, it aims to investigate the conditions under which questions of political ethics and corruption have been promoted to the agenda in post-socialist Bulgaria. A particular stress is here placed on the interactions between external pressures (international financial organizations, the European Union…) and domestic players (various NGOs, media and other advocacy networks). Second, the political uses of anti-corruption are analyzed. Far from contributing to a more transparent way of doing politics, since the end of the 1990s the denunciation of corrupt behaviour has indeed turned into one of the most powerful ploys used by ruling elites against their political opponents. Finally, attention is brought to the public receptions of calls for morality in politics. "Corruption" has not become a key word solely because of the widespread existence of corrupt practices in Bulgaria. The notion also gained currency as it became incorporated into private narratives of post-communism. To many average citizens, this terminology offered ways of depicting and denunciating growing social inequalities, the disruption of social ties as well as the increased monetarization of social status associated with the transition to market democracy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 258-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Duhaime

While certain aspects of women's rights had been addressed in earlier OAS instruments and more generally in the American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man and in the American Convention on Human Rights, many consider that the issue of women's rights was first incorporated in the normative corpus of the Inter-American Human Rights System (IAHRS) with the 1994 adoption of the Belém do Pará Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence Against Women. This treaty obliges states to prevent, punish, and eradicate violence against women, taking special account of vulnerabilities due to race, ethnic background, migrant status, age, pregnancy, socioeconomic situation, etc. It defines the concept of violence against women and forces states to ensure that women live free of violence in the public and private sphere. It also grants the Commission and the Court the ability to process individual complaints regarding alleged violations of the treaty. Since 1994, the Commission has also established a Rapporteurship on the rights of women, which assists the IACHR in its thematic or country reports and visits, as well as in the processing of women's rights–related petitions. In recent years, the jurisprudence of the Commission and the Court has addressed several fundamental issues related to women's rights, in particular regarding violence against women, women's right to equality, and reproductive health.


Author(s):  
Erma Ivoš

In this essay the author deals with the achievement of feminist critiques of liberalism at the end of the century. The central thesis is the controversy of the public/private dichotomy as the main important position of the feminist argument. The differences between critical approach to the public/private dichotomy are explained through cultural, radical feminist and androginy arguments about the fact that the public sphere is patriarchaly constructed with strong effect to the private sphere. That is why feminist use the therm “liberal patriarchalism“. The author concludes that the political theory and practise are resistent to the feminist arguments, that radical transformation of democratic theory and practic is far from the possibility to be transformed what means that the context of feminism and its critique of liberalism will still remain the same.


Author(s):  
Jean-Bernard Auby

This chapter examines the distinction between public law and private law. It stresses the importance of being aware of this difference between the public/private and public law/private law dichotomies. The public–private divide is universal even if, from one society to another, it can be conceived differently in certain ways. All human communities have an idea about the relationship between the private sphere and the public domain. By contrast, the distinction between public law and private law is not universal. It may be ignored, rejected, or confined to a very limited sphere of operation as, traditionally, in common law systems. Conversely, the public law/private law distinction may be understood as an essential feature of the juridical world, as was the approach of Roman law, inherited by the continental legal systems.


2005 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-75
Author(s):  
Andrew Basden

In “On the character of social communities; the state and the public domain” [Philosophia Reformata 69(2):125-39, 2004] Dick Stafleu has suggested that the social aspect as currently constituted under Dooyeweerd, covers two distinct things: ”¢ companionship ”¢ authority and discipline, and that the latter should become a new aspect, the political, placed after the economic and before the juridical. (Stafleu seems to have dispensed with the aesthetic aspect that currently lies between those two aspects, largely taking Seerveld’s line that it should be redefined and placed earlier; see footnote 9 on p.130) I would like to briefly suggest some issues that need to be discussed and resolved before his suggestion is adopted. I have long felt the tension between the two parts of Dooyeweerd’s version of the social aspect that Stafleu refers to — companionship and authority — and I think Stafleu is right to open up discussion about it. But I am not happy that his proposal either is necessary or solves the problem. Moreover, I can also understand something of Dooyeweerd’s own thinking as he kept the two together.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Ana Maria Marques ◽  
Stela Cunha Velter

<p><strong><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: medium;">Resumo</span></strong><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: medium;">: O presente artigo aborda a Lei Maria da Penha sob o prisma do debate da violência contra a mulher. A violência é tratada sob aspectos culturais e historicamente estabelecidos nas relações de poder entre homens e mulheres. A Lei 11.340, de 7 de agosto de 2006, revela-se parcialmente alheia aos debates mais recentes dos estudos feministas ao considerar o sexo biológico definidor do gênero. Fez-se importante apresentar o surgimento e andamento das Delegacias Especializadas de Atendimento à Mulher que sofre violência. Em especial, focalizamos Mato Grosso. Apresentamos os antecedentes da lei a partir dos juizados especiais e decisões judiciais a partir da lei.   </span></p><p><strong><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: medium;">Palavras-chave</span></strong><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: medium;">: Lei Maria da Penha; gênero; violência; Mato Grosso.  </span></p><p><strong><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: medium;">Abstract</span></strong><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: medium;">: This paper addresses the Maria da Penha Law in the light of the discussion of violence against women. Violence is treated under cultural aspects and historically established power relations between men and women. Law 11.340 of August 7, 2006, it is revealed partially foreign to most recent discussions of feminist studies to consider the defining biological sex of the genre. There was important to present the rise and progress of the Special Police Departments for Assistance to Women suffering violence. In particular, we focus on Mato Grosso. Here is the background of the law from the special courts and judicial decisions from the law.  </span></p><p><strong><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: medium;">Keywords</span></strong><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: medium;">: Maria da Penha Law; gender; violence; Mato Grosso.   </span></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 98-102
Author(s):  
Eduardo Mahecha Reyes ◽  
Lorena Alexandra Botero Salazar

Objective: Violence Against Women (sociodemographic variables of the victim, type of violence and characteristics of the aggressor), reported to the public health surveillance system (SIVIGILA) in the department of Huila, during the period 2013-2018. Methodology: an observational, descriptive study was carried out, taking the data collected through the XLS files for notification of the "Gender Violence" event, reported to SIVIGILA. During the period under investigation. Results: Non-sexual violence is the form of violence to which women are most exposed, with 76.81% of cases, being more than 3 times greater than the form of sexual violence. Women are more likely to endure physical violence, 8,432 cases and psychological violence, 4,006 cases. In 80.26% of cases of gender violence against women, the aggressor is a man, and it is probable that the victim has some kind of family relationship with the aggressor; possibly being his partner, 7,137 cases or ex-partner, 3,264 cases. Conclusion: in the department of Huila, women between 10 to 39 years old are more likely to suffer physical, sexual and psychological violence; men being the main aggressors and in most cases the sentimental partners of the victims. The most used mechanisms to inflict damage by the aggressors are short-blunt and sharp objects.


Author(s):  
Yuji Kurihara

In Plato’s early dialogues Socrates seems to make a contradictory statement about politics. In the Apology he denies his commitment to political activity in Athens, whereas in the Gorgias he declares that he is the only politician in his time, using the ‘true political craft’. How can we understand his prima facie contradictory statement? In this paper, I aim to answer this question by showing that Socrates is a ‘radical’ politician in democratic Athens, who keeps prompting each individual to care for the soul and the truth. For this aim, I first clarify usual ‘political’ activities in Athens in terms of the public-private dichotomy. Then, I elucidate the political meaning of Socrates’ philosophy in “the semi-public sphere” that he discovers for his politics between the public sphere (e.g., the Assembly and the courts) and the private sphere (e.g., the oikos). In the semi-public sphere, such as the Agora, Socrates helps his fellow citizens establish their true selves, independently of ‘the politics of reputation’. Finally, I conclude that Socrates’ statement about politics is not self-contradictory, although Plato has Socrates pointing out the important use of ‘the true rhetoric’ in the presence of many people.


2020 ◽  
pp. 273-293
Author(s):  
Carin Berg

Islamist organizations often use anashid, a form of poetic chants, as a political tool. Since music is a contested issue in many Muslim contexts, anashid is one of few accepted musical genres. Hence, the usage of anashid is not only limited to the organizational sphere, but traverse the borders between the public domain of the organizations into the private sphere of the supporters. Through the examples of Hamas and Hizbullah, this chapter shows how the usage of anashid interacts in the public and private domains through the theoretical definitions of the purposive (intentional and strategic) and effective (inducing connotations) dimensions of how music can be used for political purposes. Anashid is explored through empirical data gathered within the milieus of Hamas and Hizbullah.


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