scholarly journals 5. The Social Life of Muslim Women’s Rights

2013 ◽  
pp. 143-172
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benedetta Contin

This paper explores the varied facets of the intellectual activity of Ṙet‘ēos Pērpērean (1848-1907). He was the founder of one of the most renown educational centres of Constantinople, the Pērpērean/Bērbērean College, and a dynamic agent in the cultural and political panorama within the so-called Awakening movement (Zart‘ōnk‘). The paper aims to show that Pērpērean played a dominant role in enhancing the cultural and social modernisation that influenced the social life of the Constantinopolitan Armenian millet. Pērpērean contributed to reform the educational system of his time, promoted gender equality and women’s rights, and constituted the first Armenian workers associations in Constantinople. This article shall analyse Pērpērean’s philosophical thought and its significance in the later nineteenth-century Armenian-Ottoman society.


2002 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 537-552
Author(s):  
T. Mills Kelly

During a debate on the franchise reform bill in the Austrian Reichsrat on 12 September 1906, the Czech National Socialist Party deputy Václav Choc demanded that suffrage be extended to women as well as men. Otherwise, Choc asserted, the women of Austria would be consigned to the same status as “criminals and children.” Choc was certainly not the only Austrian parliamentarian to voice his support for votes for women during the debates on franchise reform. However, his party, the most radical of all the Czech nationalist political factions, was unique in that it not only included women's suffrage in its official program, as the Social Democrats had done a decade earlier, but also worked hard to change the political status of women in the Monarchy while the Social Democrats generally paid only lip service to this goal. Moreover, Choc and his colleagues in the National Socialist Party helped change the terms of the debate about women's rights by explicitly linking the “woman question” to the “national question” in ways entirely different from the prevailing discourse of liberalism infin-de-siècleAustria. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, liberal reformers, whether German or Czech, tried to mold the participation of women in political life to fit the liberal view of a woman's “proper” role in society. By contrast, the radical nationalists who rose to prominence in Czech political culture only after 1900, attempted to recast the debate over women's rights as central to their two-pronged discourse of social and national emancipation, while at the same time pressing for the complete democratization of Czech political life at all levels, not merely in the imperial parliament. In so doing, and with the active but often necessarily covert collaboration of women associated with the party, these radical nationalists helped extend the parameters of the debate over the place Czech women had in the larger national society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-458
Author(s):  
Novia Puspa Ayu Larasati

the present time, the law is still considered discriminatory and not gender-just. Whereas the law should not regard gender to guarantee the fulfillment of women's rights. Women's rights are still not protected. Equality and elimination of discrimination against women are often the center of attention and a shared commitment to implement them. However, in social life, the achievement of equality of women's dignity still has not shown significant progress. So, if there is discrimination against women, it is a violation of women's rights. Women's rights violations occur because of many things, including the result of the legal system, where women become victims of the system. Many women's rights to work still have a lot of conflict about the role of women in the public sector. Today, discrimination against women is still very visible in the world of work. There are so many women who do not get the right to work. This research found that the structure of the company, rarely do we see women who get a place as a leader, in addition to the acceptance of female workers companies put many terms, such as looking attractive, not married, must stay in dormitory and so forth. Their salaries are sometimes different from male workers. Like male workers, women workers also have equal opportunities in the world of work. While there are many legislations governing the rights of women workers, it seems that many companies deliberately do not socialize it and even ignore the legislation just like that.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Golrang Khadivi

After the Islamic Revolution in 1979, patriarchal, religiously oriented rules discriminated against women’s rights and changed their position in society and politics. Islamic feminism in Iran as a post-revolutionary discourse deals with this issue and, at the same time, seeks a new alternatives in the contemporary interpretation of religious norms and those influenced by religion. This work reflects on the mindset and argumentation of various social actors in the debate on women’s rights in Iran since the emergence of the Islamic Republic, in particular on the positions of male thinkers. Furthermore, using the career, biography and publications of each respective actor, the study reconstructs what they base their arguments on and from which perspective they substantiate their points of view. The mindset and reasoning of these thinkers determine their positions in the women’s rights debate on the realisation of reform. In contrast to conservatives, with their clear notion of women’s rights, religiously progressive and liberal secular thinkers place the liberation of women from a prescribed patriarchal system and the restoration of women’s self-confidence at the centre of political and social life.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 50-69
Author(s):  
Syeda Mehmoona Khushbakht ◽  
Munazza Sultana

In Pakistan, although women’s activism was initiated since the country came into existence, but a diverse activism was observed by the nation in the form of ‘Aurat March during 2018-2020. The current study examines the Western feminism, what it was initiated for and its accomplishments in the current time. By employing a discourse analysis approach to the ‘Aurat March event, this study highlights the women’s activism in Pakistan, ‘Aurat March and the antipathy faced by organizers and supporters from the public because of its strange slogans and ridiculous placards. It also observes the relationship between western feminism and ‘Aurat March activism from the perspective of the social, cultural, and religious transformation of society. The study finds the need to raise a constructive and logical voice for women’s rights with support of the public to eradicate social evils instead of focusing on insignificant matters. It has further recommended that there is a need to build a framework in which one may be able to differentiate women’s rights in the context of western feminism and the limitation of women’s emancipation in Islamic context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 45-59
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Całek

Nolite te bastardes carborundorum. The handmaid in the media discourse about women’s rightsThe handmaid is the protagonist of a transmedia story begun with Margaret Atwood’s dystopian novel about Gilead, a regime in which women are deprived of their rights. The handmaids are a unique group — they are fertile, a rarity in a country plagued by infertility. The women, treated as objects, are allocated as surrogates to childless couples from the most privileged class. The image of the handmaid became popular thanks to a new generation television series produced for the Hulu platform, and subsequently begun to be used in the fight for women’s rights. In the first part of the article the author analyses the handmaids and their place in the dystopian narrative and in the second — the way in which they are used in the social discourse about women’s rights. In this the author focuses on performative campaigns, corporate social responsibility and links between the characters and the #metoo campaign.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1&2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muna B Ndulo

This article examines the challenges legal pluralism poses in legal systems, especially in relation to conflicts between customary norms and the Bill of Rights and the need to contextualise customary law in order to resolve the need to adapt it to changing societal needs and values. The article focuses on African customary law, African legal systems and women’s rights because it is a burning issue in Africa and was the subject-matter in several of the cases that came before the South African Constitutional Court during the time Justice Ngcobo was on the Court. Cases involving conflicts between customary law and gender rights are not unique to South Africa. These are issues that have engaged African courts and those elsewhere in the world. In Africa, the coexistence of customary law and received law is as old as colonial rule. Like all other systems of law, customary law has been influenced by various other forces in an ever-changing world. The article focuses on customary law and women’s rights. Justice Ngcobo’s approach to resolving conflicts between customary law and the Bill of Rights in constitutions is instructive and makes a significant contribution to the jurisprudence in this area of the law. In his opinions on customary law, especially in the Bhe case, he implores us to look at the social context in which customary rules originated and, before discarding them, to examine the possibility of developing them to meet the changing needs and circumstances of society.


2005 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Vernet ◽  
Fabrizio Butera

English This article contends that feminist movements are victims of social cryptomnesia: while women's rights are nowadays largely approved, the role of feminist movements in obtaining these rights is not recognized, and feminist groups are still stigmatized. This social cryptomnesia is believed to hinder further progress towards equality between men and women. Indeed, although women's rights are officially protected, men-women differences in status still exist; however, the potential of feminist movements to achieve real equality is blocked by social cryptomnesia, which describes feminists as extremists who do not realize that women's rights have already changed. We review some of the achievements of two waves of feminist movements in obtaining women's rights; the obstacles to a third wave of movements claiming real equality are discussed in relation to the social cryptomnesia phenomenon. French L'article soutient que les mouvements féministes sont victimes d'une cryptomnésie sociale. Bien que les droits des femmes soient largement approuvés aujourd'hui, le rôle des féministes dans l'obtention de ces droits n'est pas reconnu, et les groupes féministes sont toujours stigmatisés. Cette cryptomnésie sociale pourrait entraver le progrès ultérieur vers l'égalité homme-femme. En effet, bien que les droits des femmes soient officiellement protégés, il existe encore d'importantes différences de statut entre hommes et femmes; cependant, le potentiel des mouvements féministes pour promouvoir une égalité réelle est bloqué par la cryptomnésie sociale, qui décrit les féministes comme des extrémistes qui ne se rendent pas compte que les droits des femmes ont déjà changé. Nous présentons quelques résultats obtenus par deux vagues de mouvements féministes dans la promotion des droits des femmes, et discutons, sur la base du phénomène de la cryptomnésie sociale, les obstacles qui s'opposent à une troisième vague de mouvements qui se battent pour une égalité dans les faits.


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