scholarly journals GIS-Based Factorial Ecology and Social Public Space of the Twin City of Ramallah and Al-Bireh, West Bank, The Palestinian Authority

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (03) ◽  
pp. 261-282
Author(s):  
Sireen Al-Shawamreh ◽  
Yahya Farhan
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Joel Singer

Abstract This article tells the story of how and why, when negotiating the Israeli-Palestinian Oslo Accords in 1993–95, the author developed the concept of dividing the West Bank into three areas with differing formulas for allocating responsibilities between Israel and the Palestinian Authority in each. The origin of how these areas were named is also discussed. This negotiation demonstrates that parties are prepared to modify ideological positions when detailed and practical options are presented that constitute a hybrid to the parties’ former positions.


Author(s):  
Assaf Razin

Since 1967 when Israel when the West Bank and Gaza Strip occupation begun, there has been increasingly taxing social-economic effects on Israel. The second uprising broke out after the collapse of the OSLO agreements, in the early 2002. The Israeli economy was hit twice. It was first hit by the dotcom crash in the US; second, by the 2000-2005 Palestinian . The drastic effects on the Palestinian economy which shortly after split in to two political units (the West bank, controlled by the Palestinian Authority, and the Gaza Strip controlled by Hamas). Especially the Gaza strip economy got down to the level of humanitarian crisis. that the early 2000s shock had relatively small effect on the long-term trajectory of Israel's real GDP. The effect on the Israeli economy of the second Intifada shock was mild, and short-lived. globalization proved to be a “shield” against the Palestinian-Israeli military conflicts and regional trade obstacles for the Israeli economy. This means, that the Israeli economy is exposed, however, to alarming long run risks. If, and when, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the long occupation of the of the West Bank territory would trigger political conflicts between Israel and its trade-and-finance partners, this “shield”, provided by Israel high level of integration with the global economy, may break down.


Author(s):  
Mads Gilbert

This chapter discusses how Palestinians are being killed, wounded, maimed, and oppressed by Israeli governmental forces with little or no international pressure to limit, stop, or prosecute systematic attacks on Palestinian civilians. With its immense, deliberate destructiveness, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in Gaza have systematically attacked and eliminated people as well as predefined physical targets, all based on an Israeli military-political paradigm known as the Dahiya Doctrine. The aim of these Israeli attacks has been to “send Gaza decades into the past” while at the same time attaining “the maximum number of enemy casualties and keeping IDF casualties at a minimum.” Palestinian leaders have called on the Palestinian Authority to abolish the Oslo Accords since Israel has refused to commit to its obligations and instead has continued land grabs and settlement expansion in the West Bank and brutal attacks on civilian society in Gaza. Negotiations toward a final peace agreement have failed simply because Israel does not want peace.


Headline QATAR/PALESTINIANS: Doha will isolate the West Bank


2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Trottier

This article investigates local hydropolitical constellations in the West Bank through two case studies of individual villages. After examining the position of the Palestinian Water Authority (PWA), it identifies two concurrent dynamics in water politics in the West Bank: a centripetal dynamic drawing power to the PWA and the would-be Palestinian state, and a centrifugal dynamic dispersing water power among various village organizations and the Israeli authorities. The result is a dangerous situation whereby the Palestinian Authority is acquiring power even while it is not extending its control over local institutions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (01) ◽  
pp. 6-19
Author(s):  
Raja Shehadeh

AbstractSince 1967, despite international legal restrictions, Israel has sought to annex Eastern Jerusalem. Fifty-one years later, it publicly declared in its Nation State Law: “Jerusalem, complete and united, is the capital of Israel.” In the West Bank, Israel initiated on the ground changes that furthered annexation without formally declaring any part of it as annexed. For decades, Al-Haq has documented the gradual encroachment of occupation by successive Israeli administrations. And yet the Palestinian leadership failed to successfully utilize the law to support its case. Nor could the 190 states, parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention, be convinced to enforce the provision in the Convention which bids the High Contracting Parties to “ensure respect for the present convention in all circumstances.” During the Oslo negotiations, Israel succeeded in leaving Jerusalem and the Jewish settlements outside of the jurisdiction of the Palestinian Authority. Given these patterns across nearly a half-century of history, it seems likely that Israel will declare the full annexation of the West Bank in part or in its entirety precisely because it has succeeded in accomplishing this in the case of Jerusalem.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Pace ◽  
Somdeep Sen

2005 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-199

The ICG's 36-page report, ““Who Governs the West Bank? Palestinian Administration under Israeli Occupation,““ is based on months of research in the West Bank by a team of analysts. It covers not only the Palestinian Authority and its affiliated institutions and forces, but also the informal networks, political parties and movements, and the issues of law and order and the prospects for local and national elections. The following excerpts concern the PA and the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade. Footnotes have been omitted for reasons of space. The entire report can be found at www.icg.org.


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 297-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eyal Benvenisti

The Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles of September 13, 1993 (the “DOP”), which establishes the framework for the settlement of the conflict between the parties, sets the stage for a gradual transition towards a peace settlement, or the “permanent status” as referred to in the DOP. The interim arrangements outlined in the DOP provide for a step-by-step assumption of responsibilities by Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area, signed in Cairo on May 4, 1994, prescribes at length the arrangements for the first steps to be taken towards that goal. During the period of the interim arrangements, the Gaza Strip (excluding Israeli settlements and military installations) and the “Jericho Area” are to be administered by a “Palestinian Authority” (PA), a body established under the Cairo Agreement, which is distinct from the PLO.


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