scholarly journals Palatalization in Central Bùlì

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-94
Author(s):  
George Akanlig-Pare
Keyword(s):  
Hard Palate ◽  
Front Vowel ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
Non Linear ◽  
Feature Geometry ◽  
Secondary Palatalization

Palatalization is a process through which non-palatal consonants acquire palatality, either through a shift in place of articulation from a non-palatal region to the hard palate or through the superimposition of palatal qualities on a non-palatal consonant. In both cases, there is a front, non-low vowel or a palatal glide that triggers the process. In this paper, I examine the palatalization phenomena in Bùlì using Feature Geometry within the non-linear generative phonological framework. I argue that both full and secondary palatalization occur in Buli. The paper further explains that, the long high front vowel /i:/, triggers the formation of a palato-alveolar affricate which is realized in the Central dialect of Bùlì, where the Northern and Central dialects retain the derived palatal stop.

scholarly journals Keele asend eesti palatalisatsioonis

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-128
Author(s):  
Anton Malmi ◽  
Pärtel Lippus
Keyword(s):  
Hard Palate ◽  
Apical Part ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
Articulatory Phonetics ◽  
Secondary Palatalization ◽  
Experimental Phonetics

Artiklis uuritakse palatalisatsiooni mõju konsonandi ja talle eelneva vokaali häälduskohale ja kestusele. Katse viidi läbi elektromagnetartikulograafi abil, mis mõõdab katseisiku artikulaatoritele liimitud sensorite liikumist kolmemõõtmelises ruumis. Tulemused näitasid, et palataliseerimisega kaasnes konsonandi ja talle eelneva vokaali hääldamisel keele kõrgem ja eespoolsem asend. Keele eesosa kõrgus oli vähesel määral palatalisatsioonist mõjutatud, kuid kõrguse muutumine ei olnud süsteemne. Tulemused ei näidanud palatalisatsiooni süstemaatilist efekti ka konsonandi ja talle eelneva vokaali kestusele. Ainult üksikutel juhtudel pikenes hääliku kestus palataliseeritud kontekstis olulisel määral. Abstract. Anton Malmi and Pärtel Lippus: The position of the tongue in Estonian palatalization. This article analyses the effect of secondary palatalization of alveolar consonants on the place of articulation and the segmental duration in Estonian CVC words. The study was carried out with 21 test subjects using a Carstens AG501 electromagnetic articulograph. The results show that the place of articulation of palatalized consonants was always higher and more anterior than that of non-palatalized consonants. The back of the tongue was raised towards the hard palate, but the height of the apical part of the tongue was not systematically affected by palatalization. With few exceptions, the duration of the vowels and consonants were not affected by palatalization. Keywords: articulatory phonetics, experimental phonetics, articulation, palatalization, Estonian, duration, Carstens AG501

Glottal transparency

Phonology ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Paul Stemberger
Keyword(s):  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
Vowel Harmony ◽  
Linguistic Theory ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
Feature Geometry ◽  
Learning English

Glottal consonants (/h/ and /?/) often have a special status that has led to the hypothesis that they are underspecified for both consonant and vowel place of articulation features. There is an alternative acoustically based explanation for the special status that, while workable, is valued less highly in linguistic theory. This alternative hypothesis can be ruled out only with data where the relevant acoustic phenomena are not contained in the input to be learned. I address four processes of consonant and vowel harmony in the speech of three children learning English, where the alternative hypothesis cannot account for the data. I conclude that glottals are underspecified for consonant and vowel place of articulation features, and that they lack the node in feature geometry that immediately dominates such features (either the Place node or an Oral node).

scholarly journals Arabic “Raa” between Plosiveness and Friction

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Tareq Ibrahim Al-Ziyadat
Keyword(s):  
Hard Palate ◽  
Vocal Cords ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Core ◽  
Core Issue ◽  
Three Stages

The study aims to elucidate plosiveness and friction in the “Raa”, (the tenth alphabet in Arabic) benefiting from what the ancient and modern scholars said on the issue. The core issue of the study is Sibawey’s classification of the “Raa” a tense phoneme in whose articulation the sound repeatedly flows leaning toward the articulation of “Lam” (23 Arabic alphabet) avoiding laxity. Had not the sound repeated, we wouldn’t have had the “Raa”. Tensity (plosiveness) and frication are two contradictory features which can never have the same place of articulation. The sound is articulated at stages, each of which has its own features. After analysis, it was found that the articulation of “Raa” passes through three stages. In the second, in the space between vocal cords and top of the tongue the “Raa” is fricative, while in the third, the closure stage between top of the tongue and hard palate, the “Raa” is plosive but this plosiveness is less in intensity than that of plosive phonemes. Therefore the “Raa” can be neither plosive, nor fricative, but in between “medial”.

Reconsidering the Derivational Prefix of the Biblical Hebrew t-Stems through Feature Geometry

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-69
Author(s):  
Jeremy M. Hutton
Keyword(s):  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Biblical Hebrew ◽  
Root Node ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
Feature Geometry ◽  
Principled Explanation ◽  
Default Rules ◽  
Theoretical Standpoint ◽  
Over Time

A recent publication (Hutton 2011) provided evidence and phonological rationale for Baden’s assertion (2010) that the derivational prefix of the Biblical Hebrew hitpaʿʿēl stem could assimilate not only to the normally recognized ‘dentals’ (t, d, and ṭ), but also, in certain ad hoc circumstances, to the affricates (s, z, and ṣ) and, eventually, to other classes of segments. This paper analyzes the process from the theoretical standpoint of feature geometry. An analysis informed by theoretical phonology suggests that the underlying derivational phoneme *t was unspecified with respect to voice and some other features. When this underspecified phoneme *t was placed in immediate contact with a segment exhibiting the same place of articulation and manner specifications, it was occasionally linked to the pharyngeal node of the following segment on an ad hoc basis. Along with commonly operational default rules, this linkage helps to explain cases wherein derivational *t assimilated to members of the set of coronal stops and affricates {d, ṭ [t ʕ ], s [ts], z [dz], and ṣ [ts ʕ ]}. Moreover, in a narrow set of instances, the segment *t was linked to the nasal articulator node of the following coronal /n/, or to the root node of a few other coronal phonemes (š [s], and possibly ś [ɬ] and l). Over time, these linkages proceeded up the feature tree as the feature spreading was increasingly generalized. This finding is basically consistent with the proposals laid out in Baden 2010 and Hutton 2011, but augments them slightly, providing a more unified, economical, and principled explanation.

Peripheral in Consonants

1994 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 191-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keren Rice
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Recent Work ◽  
Low Back ◽  
Flat Structure ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
Feature Geometry ◽  
The Subject

In recent work in feature geometry, the internal structure of the Place node has been the subject of attention. In the earliest work, the place features [anterior], [coronal], [high], [low], [back], and [round] proposed by Chomsky and Halle (1968) were arrayed under the Place node (Clements 1985). In later work it was argued that such an arrangement did not capture the classes required for operations involving place of articulation, and it was proposed that unary articulator features Labial, Coronal, and Dorsal be used, with [anterior], [high], [low], [back], and [round] being dependents of these major articulators (Sagey 1986; McCarthy 1988). This structure, which I will call the “flat structure”, is diagrammed in (1).

Feature geometry and cooccurrence restrictions

Phonology ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 349-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moira Yip
Keyword(s):  
Recent Work ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
Feature Geometry ◽  
Binary Features

Recent work by Clements (1985), Sagey (1986), Steriade (1987a) and others has shown clearly that distinctive features are hierarchically organised, and that the hierarchy includes a Place of Articulation constituent. Proposals differ, however, as to the organisation below this Place node. Clements (1985) suggests that there is a Secondary Place node dominating the vowel features, but that [anterior], [coronal] and [distributed] are directly dominated by the Place node itself. Sagey (1986) has argued that there are distinct Articulator nodes, Labial, Coronal and Dorsal, each of which dominates certain binary features, respectively [round]; [anterior] and [distributed]; and [high], [back] and [low]. Dorsal is thus present for both velar consonants and vowels. Steriade (1987a) modifies the Sagey model by adding a Velar node for velar consonants, distinct from the Dorsal node for vowels.

A Comparative Study of Prespeech Vocalizations in Two Groups of Toddlers with Cleft Palate and a Noncleft Group

2000 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Willadsen ◽  
Hans Enemark
Keyword(s):  
Mental Retardation ◽  
Retrospective Study ◽  
Cleft Palate ◽  
Hard Palate ◽  
Cleft Lip ◽  
Cleft Lip And Palate ◽  
Comparison Group ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
Delayed Closure ◽  
Palatal Surgery

Objective This study examined the prelinguistic contoid (consonant-like) inventories of 14 children with unilateral cleft lip and palate (C-UCLP) at 13 months of age. The children had received primary veloplasty at 7 months of age and closure of the hard palate was performed at 3–5 years. The results of this investigation were compared to results previously reported for 19 children with cleft palate and 19 noncleft children at the age of 13 months. The children with clefts in that study received a two-stage palatal surgery. This surgical procedure was formerly used at our center and included closure of the lip and hard palate at 3 months of age and soft palate closure at 22 months of age. Design Retrospective study. Setting The participants were videorecorded in their homes during play with their mothers. The videotapes were transcribed independently by three trained speech pathologists. Patients Fourteen consecutive patients born with C-UCLP and no known mental retardation or associated syndromes served as subjects. Results The children who received delayed closure of the hard palate demonstrated a significantly richer variety of contoids in their prespeech vocalizations than the cleft children in the comparison group. Both groups of subjects with clefts had significantly fewer plosives in their contoid inventory than the noncleft group, and there was no difference regarding place of articulation between the group that received delayed closure of the hard palate and the noncleft group.

On Feature Spreading and the Representation of Place of Articulation

2000 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morris Halle ◽  
Bert Vaux ◽  
Andrew Wolfe
Keyword(s):  
New Model ◽  
Place Theory ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
Feature Geometry ◽  
Strict Locality ◽  
New Type ◽  
Feature Theory

Since Clements (1985) introduced feature geometry, four major innovations have been proposed: Unified Feature Theory, Vowel-Place Theory, Strict Locality, and Partial Spreading. We set out the problems that each innovation encounters and propose a new model of feature geometry and feature spreading that is not subject to these problems. Of the four innovations, the new model-Revised Articulator Theory (RAT)-keeps Partial Spreading, but rejects the rest. RAT also introduces a new type of unary feature-one for each articulator-to indicate that the articulator is the designated articulator of the segment.

A place for lateral in the feature geometry

1994 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliette Blevins
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Recent Work ◽  
Distinctive Feature ◽  
Hierarchical Organization ◽  
Precise Location ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
Feature Geometry ◽  
Phonological Rules

Phonological models of feature geometry suggest that the internal structure of segments is highly articulated. Distinctive features are organized hierarchically within the segment, and this hierarchical organization is relatively stable across and within languages. Much recent work has been devoted to determining the precise location of place of articulation features within the hierarchy. In this study, the distinctive feature [lateral] is the focus of investigation. Though [lateral] is often considered a manner feature, it is usually associated with coronal articulations. By examining the behaviour of coronal and velar laterals in phonological rules and constraints, evidence emerges that [lateral] is a terminal feature of the coronal node within the feature tree.

scholarly journals Affrication of Voiced Labials (/B, V/) in Changana

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-159
Author(s):  
Armindo Ngunga ◽  
Célia A Cossa
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Front Vowel ◽  
Phonological Processes ◽  
Obligatory Contour Principle ◽  
Hiatus Resolution ◽  
Bantu Language ◽  
Autosegmental Phonology ◽  
Feature Geometry

This article describes and analyses the frication of the voiced labial consonants (/b/ and /v/) in Changana, a Bantu language (S53, in Guthrie’s 1967-1971 classification). In the light of the autosegmental phonology (Leben 1973, 1978, 2006; 1973, Goldsmith 1976, 2004; Odden 1986) combined with the Feature Geometry theory, the article discusses phonological processes that turn voiced labials into labial-alveolar affricate [bz]. In this study, we assume that the process of hiatus resolution by gliding is the trigger of the alteration under analysis. That is, when derivative suffixes with low vowel (/a/) and the high front vowel (/i/) in the initial position are attached to words with rounded vowels (/o, u/) in final position in some morphological processes such as diminutivisation and locativisation, the results are undesirable sequences (hiatus). In order to resolve such hiatus, a series of phonological processes such as the turning of the rounded vowel in the word final position into labial-velar glide allowing the adjacency of voiced labials with labial glide which violates the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) takes place. The present study analyses the OCP using empirical Changana data collected both in the fieldwork supplemented by data from other sources including bibliographical and introspective data. The article is organised as follows. Firstly, it discusses the theoretical framework; secondly it analyses the Hiatus Resolution in Changana; thirdly, it analyses the data and lastly, it presents the main conclusions of the study.

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