scholarly journals Affrication of Voiced Labials (/B, V/) in Changana

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-159
Author(s):  
Armindo Ngunga ◽  
Célia A Cossa
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Front Vowel ◽  
Phonological Processes ◽  
Obligatory Contour Principle ◽  
Hiatus Resolution ◽  
Bantu Language ◽  
Autosegmental Phonology ◽  
Feature Geometry

This article describes and analyses the frication of the voiced labial consonants (/b/ and /v/) in Changana, a Bantu language (S53, in Guthrie’s 1967-1971 classification). In the light of the autosegmental phonology (Leben 1973, 1978, 2006; 1973, Goldsmith 1976, 2004; Odden 1986) combined with the Feature Geometry theory, the article discusses phonological processes that turn voiced labials into labial-alveolar affricate [bz]. In this study, we assume that the process of hiatus resolution by gliding is the trigger of the alteration under analysis. That is, when derivative suffixes with low vowel (/a/) and the high front vowel (/i/) in the initial position are attached to words with rounded vowels (/o, u/) in final position in some morphological processes such as diminutivisation and locativisation, the results are undesirable sequences (hiatus). In order to resolve such hiatus, a series of phonological processes such as the turning of the rounded vowel in the word final position into labial-velar glide allowing the adjacency of voiced labials with labial glide which violates the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) takes place. The present study analyses the OCP using empirical Changana data collected both in the fieldwork supplemented by data from other sources including bibliographical and introspective data. The article is organised as follows. Firstly, it discusses the theoretical framework; secondly it analyses the Hiatus Resolution in Changana; thirdly, it analyses the data and lastly, it presents the main conclusions of the study.

scholarly journals Initial laryngeal neutralisation in Tyrolean

Phonology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Vietti ◽  
Birgit Alber ◽  
Barbara Vogt
Keyword(s):  
Acoustic Analysis ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Acoustic Cues ◽  
Acoustic Parameters ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
Closure Duration

In the Southern Bavarian variety of Tyrolean, laryngeal contrasts undergo a typologically interesting process of neutralisation in word-initial position. We undertake an acoustic analysis of Tyrolean stops in word-initial, word-medial intersonorant and word-final contexts, as well as in obstruent clusters, investigating the role of the acoustic parameters VOT, prevoicing, closure duration and F0 and H1–H2* on following vowels in implementing contrast, if any. Results show that stops contrast word-medially via [voice] (supported by the acoustic cues of closure duration and F0), and are neutralised completely in word-final position and in obstruent clusters. Word-initially, neutralisation is subject to inter- and intraspeaker variability, and is sensitive to place of articulation. Aspiration plays no role in implementing laryngeal contrasts in Tyrolean.

scholarly journals Making questions with tone: Polar question formation in Kinyarwanda

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 213
Author(s):  
Alexander Jarnow
Keyword(s):  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Bantu Language ◽  
Wh Questions ◽  
Question Formation ◽  
The Right

Kinyarwanda is a Bantu language with one phonemic (H) tone (Kimenyi 2002). This can phonetically realized as high, low, rising, and falling. This talk addresses the tonological discrepancy between declaratives and polar questions in Kinyarwanda. Kimenyi(1980) briefly addresses Kinyarwanda polar questions and describes them as “a rising pitch at the sentence final position”. This generalization captures crucially cannot predict polar questions in which there is no LHL contour at the end of the sentence. I argue that what polar questions share is (a) suspension of downstep on the rightmost lexical H and (b) deletion of all word-final prosodic H. Kinyarwanda forms a prosodic structure that takes the scope of the question. This expands on Richards (2010) analysis of wh-questions. Kinyarwanda marks the right edges of prosodic words using boundary tones, similar to Chichewa (Kanerva 1990; Myers 1996).

An Analysis of Students Problem To Pronounce Aspirated /P/, /T/, /K/ at Initial Position of English Words

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 92-98
Author(s):  
Widya Juli Astria
Keyword(s):  
Research Design ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
English Department ◽  
Final Position ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Learning English

The purpose of this research was to analyze the third semester students’ problem in learning English basic sounds pronunciation. The research design was case study. The data were collected by recording the students’ pronunciation. The subject of the research were the third Semester Students of English Department at Universitas Ekasakti). The result of the research was found that Each aspirated /p/, /t/, /k/ have two allophones, [ph] and [p], [th] and [t], [kh] and [k]. Then, all instances of [ph] occured immediately before a stressed vowel. It can be said that the following rule: /p/ becomes [ph] when it occured before a stressed vowel or initial position of English words. Moreover, aspirated /p/, /t/, /k/ sounds were really pronounced in two different ways. First, when these sounds came at the beginning of the word they are always followed by a puff of breath. Second, if aspirated /p/, /t/, and /k/ occur at the end of final position of English words, it is not necessary to pronounce them by following a puff of breath. In following there is a chart of aspirated /p/, /t/, /k/ sounds at initial position of English words

An Argument for Phonological Stress in French: the syntagm over contrast

2022 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Shanti Ulfsbjorninn
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Word Stress ◽  
Minimal Pairs ◽  
French Word ◽  
Lively Debate

Abstract It is standardly assumed that French does not have word-stress, rather it has phrase-level prominence. I will advance a number of arguments, many of which have appeared already in the literature, that cumulatively suggest that French roots are characterized by phonological prominence, even if this is non-contrastive. By prominence, I mean a syntagmatically distributed strength that has all the phonological characteristics of stress in other Romance languages. I will remain agnostic about the nature of that stress, eschewing the lively debate about whether French has feet, and if so what type, and at what level. The structure of the argument is as follows. French demonstrably has phonological word-final strength but one wonders what the source of this strength is. Positionally, the initial position is strong and, independently of cases where it is reinforced by other factors, the final position is weak. I will argue, based on parallels with other Romance languages, that French word-final strength derives from root-final phonological stress. The broader significance of this conclusion is that syntagmatic properties are enough to motivate underlying forms, even in the absence of paradigmatic contrasts (minimal pairs).

Clause order and syntactic integration patterns in Dutch conditionals

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 119-134
Author(s):  
Alex Reuneker
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Corpus Study ◽  
Written Texts ◽  
Text Mode

Abstract Conditional clauses in Dutch can occur in sentence-initial and sentence-final position. For sentence-initial conditionals, a number of syntactic integration patterns are available. This corpus study investigates to what extent clause order and syntactic integration are associated with text mode (spoken, written) and register (formal, informal). Sentence-initial position of the conditional clause is shown to be most frequent in both modes and registers, although sentence-final position is more frequent than one would expect based on the literature, especially in written texts. The distribution of syntactic integration patterns shows a clear difference between modes, as full integration of the conditional clause into the main clause is most frequent in written texts, whereas the use of the resumptive element dan (‘then’) is most frequent in spoken texts.

Dysarthria of Adult Cerebral Palsy

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. J. Platt ◽  
Gavin Andrews ◽  
Pauline M. Howie
Keyword(s):  
Cerebral Palsy ◽  
Speech Intelligibility ◽  
Confusion Matrix ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Single Word ◽  
Speech Task ◽  
Position Errors ◽  
Confusion Matrices

The articulation errors of 32 spastic and 18 athetoid males, aged 17–55 years, were analyzed using a confusion matrix paradigm. The subjects had a diagnosis of congenital cerebral palsy, and adequate intelligence, hearing, and ability to perform the speech task. Phonetic transcriptions were made of single-word utterances which contained 49 selected phonemes: 22 word-initial consonants, 18 word-final consonants and nine vowels. Errors of substitution, omission and distortion were categorized on confusion matrices such that patterns could be observed. It was found that within-manner errors (place or voicing errors or both) exceeded between-manner errors by a substantial amount, more so on final consonants. The predominant within-manner errors occurred on fricative phonemes for both initial and final positions. Affricate within-manner errors, all of devoicing, were also frequent in final position. The predominant between-manner initial position errors involved liquid-to-glide and affricate-to-stop changes, and for final position, affricate-to-fricative. Phoneme omission occurred three times more frequently on final than on initial consonants. The error data of individual subjects were found to correspond with the identified overall group patterns. Those with markedly reduced speech intelligibility demonstrated the same patterns of error as the overall group. The implications for treatment are discussed.

Positional Transference and Sound Learning

1972 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seline Stein Hirsch ◽  
John M. Panagos
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Final Position ◽  
The Third ◽  
Positive Transference ◽  
Sound Learning

3 groups of naive adults were tested on their pronunciations of a foreign sound after one received no phonetic pretraining, another practiced the sound in the initial position, and the third learned it in the final. A significant positive transference effect indicated that practicing an unknown sound in the initial position facilitates its pronunciation in the final position.

A unified account of causal clause sequences in Mandarin Chinese and its implications

2009 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zuoyan Song ◽  
Hongyin Tao
Keyword(s):  
Information Sharing ◽  
Distribution Patterns ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
Skewed Distribution ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Telephone Conversation ◽  
Initial Sequence ◽  
Usage Patterns ◽  
Default Form

Causal clauses introduced by yīnwèi in Chinese can have either an initial position or a final position with regard to the main clause. While traditional grammars have treated the initial sequence as the default form, numerous discourse-based studies have shown just the opposite. However, few have attempted to explain why both sequence orders exist and why they have skewed distribution patterns across discourse registers. In this paper we use a telephone conversation corpus and a written Chinese corpus as data and provide a comprehensive analysis of the usage patterns. Our main findings are that final and initial causal clause sequences are ostensibly two different linguistic constructions, functioning as an interactional device and an information-sharing device, respectively. Quantitative distributional disparities are seen as a function of the discourse utilities of the linguistic devices in question and the communicative demands of different registers. From a cross-linguistic perspective, our findings raise questions about the ways in which universal and language-specific properties of clause sequencing can be better understood.

scholarly journals Aspects of the phonology of labial-velar stops

1999 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-184
Author(s):  
Michael Cahill
Keyword(s):  
Historical Development ◽  
The Other ◽  
Articulatory Phonology ◽  
Phonological Processes ◽  
Feature Geometry ◽  
Occurrence Patterns

Phonological patterns of labial-velar stops [kp, gb] are distinctively different from other consonants in their distribution and participation in phonological processes. A summary of cross-linguistic (> 80 languages) patterns of labial-velars includes phonemic inventories, co-occurrence patterns with vowels and consonants, and phonological processes that involve labial-velars. To explain these patterns, phonetic distinctives of labial-velars are presented, as well as the historical development of labial-velars. Feature Geometry and Articulatory Phonology are shown to account for some patterns. The conclusion drawn is that some patterns are best explained by diachronic factors, and there is no single current phonological theory that adequately accounts for all the other patterns.

scholarly journals Predicting the Motion of an Intruder in a Vertically Vibrated 2D-Granular-Bed using Contact Points Approximation

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siti Nurul Khotimah
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Total Force ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Granular Bed ◽  
Brazil Nut ◽  
The Third ◽  
Contact Points ◽  
Brazil Nut Effect ◽  
Points Approximation

<p class="TTPAbstract">In this study, 2-dimensional Brazil nut effect experiments were setup. An intruder moves from its initial position at the middle-bottom of a container to its final position at the top of the granular bed. To predict the motion of the intruder, the number of contact points for each grain around the intruder was counted manually for grains in the first layer until the third layer. The average numbers of contact points from grains in each of 8 directions respected to the center of the intruder were calculated to determine the direction of total force acting on the intruder by grains in the first layer, in the first two-layers, and in the first three-layers.The result will be more acceptable using the data of two or three layers of grains in predicting intruder movement.</p>

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