Towards peace and reconciliation after the Great War: letter-writing to the League of Nations

Author(s):  
Jan Blommaert ◽  
Piia Varis

In a recent paper, the Australian historian, Martyn Lyons (2013), reviews his attempts to study ‘history from below’, using what can be called grassroots writing by French and Italian soldiers of the Great War. Lyons remarks that the ‘First World War produced a flood of letter-writing by peasants whose literary capacity has often been underestimated’ (Lyons 2013: 5). In France, no less than 10,000 million postal items were dispatched during the war, huge numbers of those being letters and cards written by soldiers from the frontlines to their loved ones. Lyons comments further:Soldiers’ letters followed standard ritualistic formulas, giving and asking for news about health, discussing letters and postcards sent and received, sending greetings to many relatives and neighbors. As a result, their writing leaves us with an overwhelming sense of banality. (Lyons 2013: 22)


Author(s):  
Karen L. Levenback

An Australian by birth, Florence Melian Stawell, who was educated as a classicist at both Trinity College (Melbourne) and Newnham College (Cambridge) was a civilian living in London during the Great War. She shared this experience with Virginia Woolf, Roger Fry, and many of their Bloomsbury friends. But unlike Woolf, whose life during the war has been the subject of some attention (my own Virginia Woolf and the Great War, for example), the home-front experience of Stawell and her literary output, including her anthology of poetry (The Price of Freedom) and her writings on a range of topics (patriotism, education, and the League of Nations among them), has been overlooked. This paper suggests that we may well find the Great War as a way into the life and work of this underappreciated woman, a contemporary of Virginia Woolf.


Author(s):  
Leonard V. Smith

Sovereignty according to the radicalized liberalism of Wilsonianism would exist in the international system after the Great War, or it would not. If it would not, the League was never going to become anything but what it was, an institutionalized means for state cooperation. The League continued the “laboratory” of sovereignty established at the Paris Peace Conference. It articulated a certain configuration of agents and structures in attempts to redefine a system of international security. While assiduously avoiding self-designation as any kind of “world state,” the League tried to complete a good deal of unfinished business bequeathed to it by the conference, notably in the “unmixing” of lands and peoples. It would try to draw boundaries, administer plebiscites, enforce minorities treaties, supervise mandates, and avoid blame for the population exchanges. But in the end, the League was always what states made of it.


Author(s):  
Malik Dahlan

The Hashemite Kingdom of Hijaz attracted little notice in the Western international legal history during its brief lifetime, and has not been much covered in the historical literature since. However, the Hijazi state is critical for international law because it stands at the intersection of Arab self-determination and Islamic statehood. Its birth in 1916 was, understandably perhaps, overshadowed by the military significance of the Arab Revolt against the Ottomans, and the role played in it by Colonel T.E. Lawrence. Its demise, formally declared in 1932 but inevitable after the Saudi invasion of 1924–1925, was met by silence from the members of the League of Nations despite the fact The Hijaz was one of its founding members. This neglect of the Hijazi state is unfortunate for a number of reasons. Firstly, it was the earliest attempt at Arab statehood in modern international legal history, the first ethnocentric expression of Arab self-determination to be recognized by the European powers after the Great War and, as home to the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, it had significance for Islamic governance that is disproportionate to its economic or geopolitical value. Secondly, it presents a test for one of the most fiercely contested areas of international law: how to understand and apply national self-determination to the formation and recognition of states. In this case, the claim for self-determination is bound up with the ethnocentric awakening of Arabs, the struggle over the political and institutional forms that a collectivity should take, and what balance could be struck between Western, Westphalian views of the state and Islamic governance traditions and principles. Thirdly, it provided an early example of how small states would fare in the new international order, and the extent to which they could expect great powers to abide by international law, as it emerged from the Great War. As it turned out, Sharif Hussein’s refusal to acquiesce in the League of Nations’ mandate system, itself based on the Sykes–Picot agreement between Britain and France, coupled with his support for Arab aspirations to control Jerusalem, made the fledgling state vulnerable to imperial Realpolitik. Fourthly, the fall of The Hijaz was bound up with the fall of the Caliphate in 1924, with repercussions that are still being felt. Finally, the historical events, which did much to determine the map of the Middle East today, present a telling example of how international law functions in regions where great powers are actively competing for influence and control. This bibliography collects readings that cast light on how ideas of the nation and the state have been understood and applied, with particular reference to the Islamic collectivity, the Arabs, and The Hijaz. It is divided into two general areas. The first looks at the national aspects of self-determination and the second looks at the state as understood by international law and by Islamic jurisprudence, again with special reference to The Hijaz.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-189
Author(s):  
Tine Van Osselaer

Abstract This article focuses on the use of patriotic feelings and shared experiences of suffering to promote a new devotion. Studying her wartime letter-writing campaign, we examine the strategies that the Belgian mystic Berthe Petit (1870-1943) adopted to promote the devotion of the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary. By examining the letter writing of Petit and her father confessor during the Great War, we will show how, in 1909, the campaign initially focused on her own mystical experiences and corporeal suffering, but shifted during the war to emphasize that the future of Belgium, France and Britain, was linked to their consecration to the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary. Stressing the historicity of the mystic, we show how the war (1) provided new opportunities for mystically inspired, non-approved devotions; and (2) how the uncertainties and sorrows of the Great War offered female mystics new openings and lines of thought to explore.


2020 ◽  
pp. 193-212
Author(s):  
Peter Becker

Our modern passport system emerged after the Great War. It superseded the tight control of individual mobility during wartime, but did not come close to prewar conditions of open borders. The League of Nations had to play an ambivalent role. It was commissioned by the governments to manage the abolition of passports, but obstructed in its implementation. In the end, the League had to settle with an agreement on international standards for issuing passports and visas and for controlling travel documents at the border. The discussions at the conferences highlight the difficulties of coming to terms with the social, political, and economic legacy of the war. One of the legacies was the mistrust towards nationals and foreigners; its impact was strongly felt in Central Europe, where the successor states of the Habsburg monarchy established a strict border regime within a highly integrated region with free movement of people, goods, and capital.


1925 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 284-294
Author(s):  
Don Agustin Edwards

Foreign policy is an extremely elastic term. It may mean a great deal or very little: it may embrace the most vital interests of the world at large—humanity's very right to live and prosper—if it be the Foreign Policy of a World Power like the British Empire; or it may merely concern the interests of a particular country from a certain angle, that is to say, in so far as such interests may conflict with those of another nation or nations. These two aspects of Foreign Policy, the world and the regional, were clearly distinguished and defined after the Great War, when at the Conference which culminated in the Versailles Treaty the nations were classified as countries with world interests and countries with limited interests. It was, furthermore, given juridical expression in the composition of the Council of the League of Nations, in which World Powers were given permanent seats and the other members of the League were assigned an equal number of elective seats which they were to occupy for a limited period of time.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Winter ◽  
Antoine Prost
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