SALT II: The ‘Deep Cuts’ Proposals

2021 ◽  
pp. 63-89
Author(s):  
Alexander Moens
Keyword(s):  
Blood ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 104 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather McKay ◽  
Francine Derome ◽  
M. Anwar Haq ◽  
Susan Whittaker ◽  
Emmy Arnold ◽  
...  

Abstract Quebec platelet disorder (QPD) is an autosomal dominant bleeding disorder associated with increased urokinase-type plasminogen activator in platelets and α-granule protein degradation. To determine bleeding risks and common manifestations of QPD, a history questionnaire was developed and administered to 127 relatives in a family with QPD. Data entry was done blinded to affected and unaffected status, determined by assays for platelet urokinase-type plasminogen activator (u-PA) and fibrinogen degradation. Odds ratios (ORs), with 95% confidence intervals (CIs), were determined for items queried. Summative bleeding scores for each individual were calculated using items with OR more than 1. Mean ages (34 years; range, 1-89 years) were similar for affected (n = 23) and unaffected (n = 104) family members. Affected individuals had higher mean bleeding scores (P < .0001) and a much higher likelihood (OR > 20) of having bleeding that led to lifestyle changes, bruises that spread lower or as large or larger than an orange or both, joint bleeds, bleeding longer than 24 hours after dental extractions or deep cuts, and received or been recommended other treatments (fibrinolytic inhibitors) for bleeding. Individuals with QPD and exposure(s) to hemostatic challenges had experienced excessive bleeding only when fibrinolytic inhibitors had not been used. These data illustrate that QPD is associated with increased risks of bleeding that can be modified by fibrinolytic inhibitors.


Deep Blue ◽  
2003 ◽  
pp. 55-67
Author(s):  
Monty Newborn
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Simon Griffiths

This chapter focuses on the ‘contracting state’ under Cameron, and reviews developments in three major public services since 2010: health, education and welfare, paying attention to the way in which these reforms affect the agency of the people who rely on these services. The Conservative-led coalition that was elected in 2010 made deep cuts to public spending in an effort to bring down the deficit, which they argued would restore economic growth. In practice, sluggish growth over the next few years meant that the cuts to public spending and services were less harsh than planned. However, the distributional effect of the cuts was uneven, with lower income, working-age households suffering disproportionally. In England and Wales, in organisational terms, austerity meant an extension of quasi-market reforms – particularly in health and education – that had been a feature of UK public administration since the 1980s. Pressure to cut public spending was also passed down to local government, ‘hollowing out’ a significant area of public provision and constraining their agency.


1999 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Louis Goffin ◽  
Jean-Philippe Vial

Worldview ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 22-23
Author(s):  
Paul Ls. Cassagnol

The scarcity of hard currency and deep cuts in foreign assistance have brought Haiti to a point of complete economic stagnation. Hurricane David and poor crops have curtailed exports drastically. What mother nature has left undone the president has completed, diverting internal revenues from the treasury, which are converted into available dollars and transferred to private bank accounts abroad. At a popular estimate the Duvalier family is worth more than $500 million, cash.Firm evidence of treasury looting was first provided by World Bank Report No. 1243HA of September 25, 1976, revealing that $45.5 million in government revenues for fiscal 1975 were unbudgeted and could not be accounted for. In 1977, according to a report prepared by the U.S. embassy staff in PortauPririce and published by the U.S. Department of Commerce in Foreign Economic Trends (No. 77-148), the “unbudgeted receipts amounted to 60 million in FY/77 and [were] projected at 69 million in FY/78.” Now Jack Anderson provides an update. “Baby Doc,” he says in his column of March 29, “has been stealing millions of dollars in loans provided by the International Monetary Fund.” And what is more, Michele, the president's bride of a year, has been drawing a monthly allowance of $100,000 from the treasury under her husband's authorization.


Author(s):  
Platon Tinios

This chapter examines pensions as a factor fuelling Greece’s crisis, as a consideration shaping its bailouts, and as a locus for future unease. The problem was not the absence of reform—there were repeated ineffectual changes before 2010. Nor was it due to structural faults—the system’s building blocks are familiar. A toxic mixture of narratives, between social insurance, government, and social pensions, encouraged fragmentation, transforming sectional privileges into future liabilities; pensions became a key instrument of clientelistic politics. During the crisis a new player, the Troika, reversed ‘Words without Action’ into ‘Action without Words’. The pension landscape after 2018 is characterized by a new system and a recalibration of pensions to restrain their level. Two-tier pensions are provided by a single entity, financed by uniform contributions, with high retirement ages for new retirees. The attempt to protect those close to retirement backfired and necessitated deep cuts in pensions-in-payment. When these were ruled unconstitutional, their place was taken by retroactive application of new system rules to all pensioners in 2016. Despite deep parametric changes, Greece chose institutional continuity over systemic change—opting for a monolithic state-run pay-as-you-go defined benefit pension system, reminiscent of the 1960s. The evolving system is called to overcome the legacy of broken promises, must prove politically durable but also conducive to growth. The last word on pensions may not have been written.


Keyword(s):  

Headline MOZAMBIQUE: New IMF funding could hinge on budget cuts


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