Social provision

2020 ◽  
pp. 89-104
Author(s):  
Sue Lawson
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
David R. Mayhew

This chapter navigates the 1930s and groups two impulses into it: responding to the Great Depression and building a welfare state equipped with instruments of social provision. Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the Democrats blended these two impulses when they executed their New Deal in the 1930s. However, on current inspection, the blend is confusing and sometimes contradictory, and there is a difference in time span. Responding to the Great Depression was clearly a 1930s drive; whereas the Social Security Act of 1935 still enjoys its high place at the top of the American welfare state. The chapter shows how the timeline on building U.S. social provision runs a lot longer before and afterward.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Tina Deviana ◽  
Bahrul Hayat ◽  
Bambang Suryadi

The condition of Indonesia is currently being faced by the corona virus (COVID-19) pandemic 2019. The importance of solutions related to the existence of the role of teachers or educators to provide references such as social support to students in learning and teaching activities from home, this study conducted to provide research tools or instruments that can be used by educators or researchers by testing the validity of a social support construct (Social Provision Scale) measuring instrument using the Rasch Model. Although much has been done to test the validity of the Social Provision Scale, no one has examined it by involving social support in the context of Education. Likewise, the majority of research on social support uses confirmatory factor analysis, and no one has used the Rasch Model in validating the Social Provision Scale instrument, especially in Indonesia. The data used are secondary data from Putra of 326 people in SMA Negeri 29 South Jakarta using cluster sampling. The results of the application of the Rasch Rating Scale model show that the psychometric characteristics of the Social Provision Scale are very good and precise, as well as the compatibility of the items to the model. Implications and suggestions for future research are also discussed.


Wealth ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jedediah Purdy

Inequality, as Jeffrey Winters reminds us, is very old— indeed, so far, perennial. Democracy is rather arrestingly new, mass democracy especially so. It is an increasingly common perception that economic inequality must be brought under control for democracy to realize, or recover, its potential. The argument developed here suggests something further: that robust democracy is necessary if wealth is to realize its potential for social benefit. Indeed, democracy must be able to intervene in the definition, creation, distribution, and use of wealth precisely to make the benefits of wealth real. A political scheme of social provision, and political limitations on the scope of inequality, are the most plausible means to prevent growing wealth from undercutting its own benefits. This idea is not extremist: it simply states the logic of the mid-century social-democratic accommodation that established a measure of security and a pattern of widely shared economic growth. It does, however, insist on the priority of that political logic. The free play of the market will not deliver the goods that market-led growth in wealth is conventionally celebrated for producing. Only democracy can do that.


Author(s):  
Roger Mac Ginty ◽  
Paula Banerjee

This chapter examines the relationship between social justice, security and peace. The authors note significant internal heterogeneity in India and Europe, despite the statebuilding efforts in India and standardization processes in Europe. The authors give an overview of five sets of ideas which have linked social justice and peace. All five sets of ideas are showing that if social justice is taken seriously then social harmony will be preserved and at the same time tensions will be reduced, together with chances for conflict. However, they find that peace accords have a tendency to emphasize security rather than welfare. This is because international interventions are usually led by leading actors from the global north who are guided by neoliberal agenda. They usually underplay social aspects of the state and emphasise its security aspect. This is one of the reasons why priority is given to security over social justice, when sequencing of activities in the intervention. The authors give an example of reforms in Georgia which led to drastic undermining of state in terms of social provision. They conclude that international attempts which focus on social justice are much fewer in numbers than those which address security issues.


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