Losing faith in the civilizing mission: the premature decline of humanitarian liberalism at the Cape, 1840–60

Author(s):  
Andrew Bank
Keyword(s):  
2005 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally Price
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma West
Keyword(s):  

2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Md. Mahmudul Hasan

Said’s critique of Orientalism provokes a comprehensive review by post-colonial theorists of the bulk of western knowledge regarding non-western countries. This Orientalist literature buttresses the colonial notion of a civilizing mission, which is also supported by many western feminists who provide theoretical grounds to such colonialist perceptions. Such post-colonial feminists as Gayatri Spivak, Chandra Mohanty, and Rajeswari Rajan analyze western feminism’s ideological complicity with Orientalist and imperialist ventures.


2021 ◽  

Thinking about security as a feminist international lawyer is necessarily complex and invites multiple layers of inquiry. Gender analysis commences with seeing the gendered consequences of security discourse and practice. That is, understanding women’s different experiences of insecurity in conflict, peace, and post-conflict spaces as well as different women’s experiences of those same spaces. Simultaneously, gender analysis questions the prevalence of military masculinities, the dynamics of hegemonic masculinity in the perpetuation of insecurity, and the continuum of gendered insecurity from the local to the international. Gender is thus an important conceptual and analytical tool for understanding traditional (state-centric) forms of international security, including collective security, the law of armed conflict, and post-conflict structures. However, feminist understandings of international security extend beyond traditional approaches to security, engaging everyday insecurity as a means to understand gendered insecurities from the local to the international, while centering the relationship between law and violence, challenging military masculinities, identifying the perpetuation of power and intersection of gender with race and colonialism, and asserting the value of knowledge production from transnational feminist networks. Contemporary feminist approaches have placed significant emphasis on the hypervisibility of conflict-related sexual violence and women’s access to political participation, however contemporary cutting-edge contributions call for deeper engagement with issues, including the recognition of intersectional, critical race, and transnational feminist interventions, the role of technology in international security, the need for a feminist, queer-antiracist politics within international security discourse, and the gendered and embodied reality of disability as a consequence of security threats. Much of the international legal scholarship, and the wider field of international relations where many of the pivotal texts emerge, centers the women, peace, and security agenda developed by the United Nations Security Council that was drafted after the shift toward human security in the 1990s. Yet this ignores the complex theorizations of gender from non-mainstream feminist contexts and risks the reproduction of modes of agents and victims that are aligned with the history of international law’s civilizing mission. International security, when viewed from a gender lens, thus offers the scholar a series of mechanisms for understanding the deep structures of international law while simultaneously challenging the mainstream production of gender as shorthand for women. The article includes a section on health that reflects the fact that it was prepared during the COVID-19 pandemic and the extended attention to the gendered elements of health insecurity that emerged at this time.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 323-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vasuki Nesiah

The nomenclature of human shields did not exist in 19th century colonialism, but one can find its proxies in the debates regarding the principles of distinction and proportionality when defining legitimate targets. Its specters appeared in the discussions weighing human life and moderating warfare, revealing how the imperatives of colonial conquest inflected “humanitarian reason” and its epistemic and political investments. The colonized territory rendered all civilians as potential human shields merely by existing there. The colonizer/colonized distinction trumped the civilian/combatant distinction and exposed the radical instability of the principles defining the notion of human shields; the colonizer seldom thought he had reached the threshold of disproportionality in violence against the colonized. Instead, the “civilizing mission” rendered the colonized body perennially vulnerable.


2006 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
BERNHARD KNOLL

Theorizing about the operation of law in an internationalized territory involves three discrete dimensions, according to which this article is structured. First, liberal legal forms are transmitted without being subject to mediation by a ‘sovereign’. The diffusion of imported norms represents the precise telos of a mission civilisatrice of a postcolonial institution-building mission. Such internationalization projects realize their liberalizing potential through a complex process where they provide legal continuity while importing legal forms that emphasize discontinuity and progress. In the second dimension, the article accounts for the asymmetric co-government setting exhibited in Kosovo in which law is both municipal and international. The syncretic nature of legal sources limits attempts to establish a ‘hierarchy’ of norms in an internationalized territory. Further, the promised advent of a liberal future is challenged by what this article identifies as the third characteristic of such a transitory legal order – the unaccountability of the international administering agent. These three properties of a normative order entail a paradox in which the aspirations of a fiduciary administration operating in the slipstream of liberal internationalism and its ‘civilizing mission’ are qualified by the absence of key criteria of a Rechtsstaat – the democratic creation of laws, the separation of powers, legal certainty, and the judicial control of normative acts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Gani Achmad Jaelani

Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengelaborasi persoalan seksualitas di Hindia Belanda pada awal abad ke-20. Perdebatan tentang seksualitas, dalam bentuk praktik pergundikan dan pengaturan pelacuran, selalu saja dikaitkan dengan persoalan moralitas. Kenyataan bahwa pemerintah kolonial pada satu periode memperbolehkan dua aktivitas ini dan melarangnya di periode yang lain merupakan contoh betapa otoritas kolonial tidak pernah memiliki penilaian yang sama terkait permasalahan ini. Hal ini disebabkan oleh adanya tegangan antara kepentingan ekonomi dan semangat pemberadaban dari kolonialisme. Memperbolehkan praktik pergundikan dan pelacuran akan memberi kesan bahwa pemerintah bersekutu dalam laku amoral, sementara larangan terhadapnya akan menjadi ancaman buat kepentingan ekonomi kolonial. Artikel ini akan mencoba menganalisis dilema yang dihadapi otoritas kolonial terkait masalah ini; apa yang membuat penilaian pemerintah selalu berubah; terakhir, artikel ini juga akan menunjukkan satu studi kasus terkait persoalan dilema moral ini.  This article seeks to elaborate the question of sexuality in the Dutch Indies in the beginning of the twentieth century. The debate about sexuality, particularly in the common practice of the concubinage and the regulation of the prostitution is always linked to the issue of morality. The fact that the colonial government allowed the two activities in one period and prohibited these in other period, was an example to which extent the stance of the colonial authority toward this question changed. This inconsistency arose from the tension between the economic interest and the civilizing mission of the colonialism. Allowing the concubinage and prostitution will create the impression that the government allied to the immoral activity, while prohibiting it will endanger the economic interest of the colonialism. This article will try to analyze the dilemma of the colonial authority regarding this question; the reason why the government change their judgment; and lastly, to discuss this moral dilemma in a specific case.


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