State-building and Chinese transnationalism during the Cold War

2021 ◽  
pp. 77-93
Author(s):  
Mei Feng Mok
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 7-38
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Gil

Following the end of the cold war, the incidence of statebuilding interventions has visibly increased in the case of dysfunctional (failed) states. Today, such interventionism in a good faith promotes liberal values and is believed to be in line with international legal regimes that makes it distinctive from neo-imperial politics. Even if state-building does not generally refer to regular warfare, it often takes analogous forms to occupation, which was codified in jus in bello at the beginning of the XXth century. While the occupation law requires occupants to maintain status quo on the occupying territory (article 43 of Hague Regulations), armed state-building is transformative by definition that seems to undermine conservative provisions of the former. The article presents traditional criteria for occupation in the Hague and Geneva conventions as well as prospects and limitations of its refinement (jus post bellum). In theory, such a redefinition could launch the formulation of the statebuilding regime, which aims to reduce deficits or double-standards in international state-building by focusing on the interests of local stakeholders of transformative projects. Hence, the Author addresses three interlocking issues: occupation within state-building, the occupation law and state-building, and transformative occupation as state-building.


Author(s):  
Matthieu Leimgruber

This chapter explores the trajectory of social policy development in Switzerland and its interactions with state-building and military conflict from the Franco-Prussian war of the early 1870s to the end of the Cold War. This analysis confirms that, despite the fact that Switzerland has remained untouched by war for more than 150 years, military preparation and the world wars have had a crucial impact in the shaping of the distinctive public–private mix that distinguishes the Swiss welfare state from its immediate neighbours. Periods of war thus coincided not only with an expansion of state social insurance but also witnessed the consolidation of existing private social provision. The chapter also highlights how Switzerland’s distinctive militia-based conscription contributed to forge a male-centred social citizenship that lasted for decades after 1945.


Author(s):  
Yasser Ali Nasser

Abstract As the Cold War prompted anxieties throughout Asia about the status of postcolonial state-building and decolonization, the possibility of friendship and cooperation between China and India despite their differing political and economic systems inspired hope and political repercussions far beyond their borders. This paper reveals how Japanese commenters, in their analysis of Sino–Indian friendship and both countries' respective political trajectories, saw the two countries as providing a rubric for a new type of politics. Utilizing an array of published, unpublished, and archival sources, I will study how diverse individuals, from the historian Uehara Senroku to burakumin activist Jiichirō Matsumoto, believed that Sino–Indian friendship, unlike the failed project of Japanese imperialism, could unite “Asia” in its struggle against imperialism amid the Cold War and accelerating decolonization. In following this model, they also believed that Japan could escape American hegemony and become “Asian” again. Japanese analyses of “China–India” as offering an “Asian” recipe for overcoming imperialism and navigating bloc politics help showcase how ideas of Asia continued to serve as a space for contemplating political possibilities during the early Cold War, transforming Japan from the region's former tutor to its pupil.


Author(s):  
Daniel Haines

This chapter highlights the confluence of territory, sovereignty and state-building in South Asia with the international politics of the Cold War. It deconstructs the idea of international cooperation in the Indus Basin, asking how the framework for accommodating competing Indian and Pakistani demands become discursively framed as “cooperation”, and how the Indus Waters Treaty acquired a positive reputation despite its severe limitations. The chapter analyses an ambitious 1951 plan for unifying Indian and Pakistani management of the Indus system by David E. Lilienthal, a prominent American technocrat. Analysing the plan’s implicit assumptions about scale and the basin’s political geography, it argues that the principle of cooperation was as much a rhetorical device as a real relationship. Even though it helped lure India and Pakistan to the World Bank’s negotiating table, cooperation was quickly abandoned.


2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 735-761 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOANNE WALLIS

AbstractThe liberal peace project has dominated state-building operations since the end of the Cold War, including in Timor-Leste. However, the attempt to institutionalise the liberal peace faced significant challenges in Timor-Leste's fragmented subsistence-based society. This resulted in the creation of shallowly rooted and poorly-understood liberal state institutions that were disconnected from the majority of Timorese, who continued to follow their local sociopolitical practices. In response, the state has increasingly engaged with these local practices in order to create state institutions that make sense to the people they seek to govern. This engagement has occurred through the formalisation of local sociopolitical institutions, the recognition of local justice systems and the utilisation of local ceremonies and practices. Therefore, this article argues that a liberal-local hybrid peace project has emerged to guide state-building in Timor-Leste, which may indicate how similar projects could develop in the future.


Afrika Focus ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Vervaet

With the end of the Cold War, global economic and political changes made African leaders rearrange their patrimonial politics towards warlord strategies. The aim of this paper is to find out what the influences are of these evolutions for the capitalist world-system. Is warlordism nothing more than a way of surviving for third world countries or does it affect historical capitalism? Is the upsurge of warlords an expression of the crisis of the modem world-economy or is it on the contrary capitalism pur sang? This paper does not provide a conclusive answer to these questions. It is only an attempt to consider warlords in the world-system from diverse perspectives.Key Words: Capitalist World-System, African Warlordism, State-Building, Mafia, Anti-Systemic Movement, Colonialism 


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