The British Left and Appeasement: Political Tactics or Alternative Policies?

2021 ◽  
pp. 125-141
Author(s):  
Sabine Wichert
Keyword(s):  
2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alev Katrinli ◽  
Gulem Atabay ◽  
Burcu Guneri Cangarli ◽  
Gonca Gunay

1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 697-713 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. B. Gaunson

After the fall of France in 1940, Britain's predicament in the Middle East became worse still when the French authorities in Syria and Lebanon aligned themselves with the new Vichy government. The British, already outnumbered by Italian forces and uncertain of Arab loyalties, now found their northern flank controlled by men susceptible to Axis pressure. Both Churchill and de Gaulle responded with the determination that the Levant should be denied to the Axis and placed in friendly hands. Despite this common resolve, however, fundamental differences emerged during the Anglo-Free French invasion of Syria in 1941. This hastily improvised venture was marred by rash political tactics, poor liaison, bad diplomacy and the interventions of Churchill and de Gaulle. Although the Syrian flank was secured, this affair did serious damage to Anglo-Free French relations, created new problems in the Levant, and precipitated personal antagonism between Churchill and de Gaulle.


1992 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 376-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael O. West

SummaryBetween 1924 and 1961 elite Africans in Southern Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe) waged a protracted political struggle for the right legally to drink “European” liquor, which had been banned to colonized Africans under the Brussels Treaty of 1890. Refusing to be lumped with the black masses and basing their claim on the notion that there should be “equal rights for all civilized men”, elite Africans argued that they had attained a cultural level comparable to that of the dominant European settlers and should therefore be exempt from the liquor ban. This struggle, which ended successfully in 1961, also highlights other important themes in the history of the emergent African elite in Southern Rhodesia, most notably its political tactics and consciousness. The quest for European liquor helped to hone political skills as well, as a number of individuals who participated in it later became important African nationalist leaders.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-538 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniella Gandolfo

AbstractThe market of El Hueco in downtown Lima sits inside a large pit dug out for the foundation of a state building that was never built. The below-ground corridors and crammed vending stalls in this poorly regulated market are usually flooded with shoppers, yet government officials and the media frequently condemn it as a vile and dangerous place. But how and why does El Hueco offend? Through an ethnographic account of a day's events, cast against a discussion of Marxism's “lumpenproletariat” and Hernando de Soto's “informality,” I argue that implicit in El Hueco's challenge of state bureaucracy is a class critique that resists conventional class analysis and that affirms the “lumpen” as a politics in its own right. “Lumpen” here does not refer to categories of people but to a resource that can be appropriated and deployed freely. Linked to the anti-political tactics of President Alberto Fujimori in the 1990s, lumpen as a resource has changed the face of postwar Lima by defying and deforming from within the bourgeois ideals of urban development and bureaucratic form. It has also arguably changed the face of politics and played a role in the revival of fujimorismo during and since the 2016 presidential elections.


2019 ◽  
pp. 77-88
Author(s):  
Joe Kraus

This chapter considers the complex of politics and crime that created and depended upon a generation of Jewish gangsters in Chicago. It tells the stories of two gangsters who became politicians—Emanuel “Manny” Abrahams and Morris Eller. Manny Abrahams became the alderman for Benjamin Zuckerman’s adolescent Maxwell Street ward and was a boss of the world when Patrick was still a toddler. Abrahams got there using tactics that paved the way for Morris Eller and Jacob Arvey. Through a combination of political tactics and gangster violence, Abrahams put himself forward for election, becoming the first full-blown gangster/politician hybrid. The chapter then turns to Morris Eller, the man who picked up the pieces Abrahams left behind and went even further than Abrahams did. He played a long game, working his way from one political position to another over a quarter century, but he played it smart. He became not simply a city power broker but the leader of a gang willing to commit murder to keep him there.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (02) ◽  
pp. 296-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Trimble

The Australian news media used the metaphor of the gender war(s) to describe Julia Gillard's political strategies and speech acts in the final nine months of her term as that nation's first woman prime minister. In particular, the metaphor was mobilized in response to Gillard's October 9, 2012, parliamentary speech on sexism and misogyny. Based on a critical discourse analysis of the gender wars allegory as it was applied to Gillard by three Australian newspapers, my article analyzes the meanings revealed by metaphoric constructions of the former prime minister's speeches as unusual and unjust forms of political warfare. I argue that the trope of the gender wars cast Gillard's political tactics as a violation of deeply held cultural norms about appropriate behavior on the so-called political battlefield, and it worked both to discipline Gillard for raising issues of sexism and gender inequality in politics and to bracket gendered power relations out of everyday understandings of political competition.


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