Investigating the mediating role of political will in the relationship between organizational characteristics and use of political tactics

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study the influence of centralization and formalization on the frequency of political tactics (FPT) used by employees. It also examines political will as the underlying variable that mediates the relationship between the focal variables. Design/methodology/approach The study uses data (n = 234) collected from a large public sector organization in India. The interrelationships are tested empirically using structural equation modeling. Findings The findings suggest that both centralization and formalization significantly influence the FPT used by employees. Also, political will partially mediate the relationship between centralization, formalization and FPT. Research limitations/implications The study provides evidence of the influence of centralization and formalization as two organizational realities that lead to employee engagement in political tactics. It also elucidates the importance of political will and the need to develop social astuteness to maneuver through the maze of organizational politics. The study is conducted in a public sector organization in India and uses cross-sectional data. Therefore, generalizations must be made with caution. Originality/value The study establishes political will as an important mediator between centralization, formalization and political behavior, fostering in-depth research into the structural aspects of public sector organizations. It also establishes political will as an important individual disposition of employees that augments the engagement of employees in political behavior in highly centralized and formalized organizations.

The Ghost of the Nephew: Napoleon iii in “The Demons” by F. M. Dostoevsky

The article contains an analysis of one of the references to Emperor Napoleon iii in the preparatory materials of F. M. Dostoevsky for The Demons. In addition, the hypothesis of Louis Bonaparte as one of the prototypes of Peter Verkhovensky is considered. This assumption is based on the material of Dostoevsky’s notebooks and has already been expressed by V. A. Tunimanov and A. Pekurovskaya, although it has not yet received complete development. The article shows what are the details of Napoleon iii’s biography, what are the elements of his political tactics and individual myth that could be known to Dostoevsky and used by him in creating such a character as younger Verkhovensky. In line with the “black legend” about Louis Bonaparte, Verkhovensky relies on people who are deprived of a stable social position. He goes for a hoax willingly and hopes that demoralization and panic in society will allow him to come to power. Just as Napoleon iii stands hostage for the myth of his great uncle, Verkhovensky is slavishly dependent on his “idol,” his “Ivan Tsarevitch”—Stavrogin. Both pairs can be considered from the point of view of the phenomenon of mimetic desire as it was described by R. Girard. The article also shows how historical and literary prototypes of the same character interact with each other, revealing certain functional features of the new hero. In this case, the relationship between the figures of Napoleon iii and Gogol’s Khlestakov in the general design of the image of Verkhovensky is briefly addressed.

Entitlement’s Cruel Cousins

Chapter 2, Entitlement’s Cruel Cousins, surveys the psychological correlates of entitlement. What attitudes coincide with entitlement that perpetuate inequality? For example, entitlement is associated with overconfidence and immodesty. Entitlement is also associated with individualism and the belief in the myth of meritocracy. From poverty to sexual assault, those who value individualism and meritocracy tend to see bad things happening to people as their own fault. Entitlement is linked to narcissism as well. Finally, entitlement is also correlated with dangerous worldviews such as authoritarianism and social dominance orientation—both of which are necessary to examine given trends toward increased authoritarian political tactics in the United States and globally.

Power and Politics in New Service Development: An Insider Action Research Study

This paper examines power dynamics and political challenges which an insider action researcher without line authority or formal power encountered while leading cross-functional New Service Development (NSD) initiatives in a traditional, publicly funded university. NSD, as any development activity, faces competing interests in organisations and often power dynamics and political tactics which may impede service actors’ development endeavours. The paper describes and reflects on how an insider action researcher together with service staff, managers and directors, conducted several different types of NSD initiatives. The paper draws on insider action research (IAR) principles, which engage theory with practice, and action with reflection. The study was carried out over an extended time period of almost three years. The paper concludes with a framework for addressing power dynamics and political action, identifying tactics available to service development actors when engaging in NSD.

Bullshit, Post-truth, and Propaganda

The question addressed in this chapter is whether the concepts of post-truth and bullshit are useful tools of politico-epistemological analysis in relation to political events in the U.S. and U.K. since 2016. Bullshitters are understood as knowingly ignorant individuals who conceal their ignorance by pretending to know what they do not know or understand what they do not understand. This account is compared to other accounts of bullshit, including Frankfurt’s. Three notions of post-truth are distinguished. The concepts of post-truth and bullshit are shown not to provide for an adequate conceptualization of the political tactics that have come to the fore in recent years. An emphasis on bullshit and post-truth trivializes and misdescribes these tactics, which are more adequately conceptualized in terms of notions such as propaganda and hate speech.

Beyond Conspiracy and Coordinated Ascendancy: Revisiting Caste Question in West Bengal under the Left Front Rule (1977–2011)

This article has critically engaged with the speculative claim that the disappearance of caste question from public discourse during Left rule in West Bengal was a result of conscious upper-caste ploy to silence articulation of caste interests and tactfully eliminate the possibility of Dalit political assertion. To verify the veracity of this claim, this study has critically scrutinized Left Front’s political mobilization strategy of rural population and also its landmark land reform initiative. The investigation attempted by this article, in this regard, has revealed that there is little to suggest the existence of any organized upper-caste conspiracy. It is, however, true that the articulation and aggregation of political demands along the lines of caste was indeed averted in West Bengal through political tactics and developmental strategies devised by the upper castes. But, the marginalization of the caste question in mainstream politics was an unintended consequence of such political tactics and developmental strategies which were primarily designed with the objective to preserve and enlarge the political support base, rather than to contain the lower castes. Thus, political motives acted as far more important determinants of political and developmental activities rather than any inherent caste bias.

“This Most Atrocious Crusade Against Personal Freedom” Anti-abolitionist Violence in Boston on the Eve of War

This essay explores increasing organization among anti-abolitionists in Boston on the eve of the Civil War and the combination of mob violence and political tactics they employed in an attempt to silence abolitionists. This opposition did not fade away on its own but was actively shut down by abolitionists who knew how to navigate politics and public opinion.

Peculiarities of Russian expansion towards Turkic and Finno-Ugric peoples (last quarter of the 15th – middle of the 19th century): historical and legal paradigm

The article considers the peculiarities of socio-political and state-legal processes associated with the course of Russian expansion against the Turkic and Finno-Ugric peoples during the last quarter of the XV – mid-XIX centuries. The author emphasizes that due to the meaning of Russia’s existence as a state, traditionally in its political and legal doctrine, war has always been interpreted as a continuation of foreign policy in peacetime, which determined the features of Russia’s foreign policy. It is noted that the beginning of Russia’s direct seizure of Turkic and Finno-Ugric possessions is associated with the conquest of such great powers as the Kazan, Astrakhan and Siberian Khanates. In general, the peculiarities of Russian expansion in relation to the Turkic and Finno-Ugric peoples include the following: ideological conditionality; paying considerable attention to the preparatory phase of expansion; combination of military and hybrid means of influencing the conquered peoples; application of a wide range of methods of national assimilation after the conquest of territories; development and implementation of a wide range of measures of influence in case of possible cases of disobedience among the local population; support of expansion at all stages by means of information and psychological struggle. It is emphasized that the ideology of Russian expansionism has been supplemented by the following basic provisions: in the process of resolving international conflicts, force must always prevail, not justice; the victors of military conflicts are listened to and agreed with, they are not judged or complained about, even when they commit atrocities, they are not reproached for any sins; weak, backward and dependent states should be subjugated and left no chance for revival; in the event that the state, which was previously in the rank of winner, has weakened and can no longer defend its privileged position, it must be attacked and killed as soon as possible; acceptance of persistent, growing aggression in relations with weakened states as the basis of military-political tactics; the use of a wide arsenal of means of assimilation of the population both on the eve of expansion and in all its subsequent stages, the development of theories about the “backwardness” of peoples.