Manliness, effeminacy and the French: gender and the construction of national character in eighteenth-century England

2014 ◽  
pp. 54-72
1996 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl Ditt ◽  
Jane Rafferty

Nature plays a significant role in the discussion for and against modernism, which got under way from the late eighteenth century onwards. The rationalists of the Enlightenment considered not only human nature, but also the whole uncultivated realm of nature beyond, that of the animals and plants, as wild and dangerous. It should, according to them, be tamed for the benefit of mankind and put to use. Thus they laid the ideological foundations that made possible the unrestrained exploitation of natural resources for the free development of the market and specifically for industrialisation, ie for material and ideological modernisation processes. The Romantics, on the other hand, emphasised the importance of non-material values. In their view the inherent and irretrievable beauty of nature should not be sacrificed on the altar of utilitarianism. A century later the critics of unrestrained economic modernisation expanded on the Romantics' view. They criticised the ‘tumours’ of industrialisation, urbanisation and materialism, advocating greater preservation of the wilderness and, indeed, of agrarian land and the rural way of life. For them, such things were not just symbols of originality, beauty and health, but were also part of the ‘national character’. They were unique treasures, unlike replaceable material interests. Nature, as a source of raw materials, became a multifunctional cultural heritage. ‘Materialism’ and the idea of progress, the central characteristics of modernisation, were challenged by criticism of civilisation and by historicism. Thus the basic cultural and political camps were established, but also the decisive ideological preconditions for the emergence of a nature conservation movement.


Author(s):  
Dean Kostantaras

The present chapter describes the various meanings attached to the term ‘nation’ during the eighteenth century and the manner in which they reflected larger Enlightenment era tendencies of thought. Insights are sought from formal works of lexicography as well as a range of contemporary studies on history, natural laws, governance, and the origin of language. Particular attention is given to the diverse ways in which contemporary authors engaged with the concept of national character.


2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick G. Whelan

This article examines the causes of the decline of imperial Spain as set forth in the works of Hume, Smith, Robertson, and other eighteenth-century writers, primarily Scottish. As in the classic case of the decline of the ancient Roman republic and empire, moral causes related to Spain's national character and its distortion under the impact of imperial wealth were sometimes adduced. Nevertheless, the famous Roman precedent proved inapplicable, for the most part, to modern experience. There was a decisive shift, in the case of Spain. Arguments drawn from Scottish political economy focused on the self-defeating character of the Spanish quest for precious metals and its related bullionist and mercantilist policies. The Spanish case also contributed significantly to the economic critique of imperialism and highly regulated imperial economies as an aspect of the general rejection of mercantilism.


2019 ◽  
pp. 108-136
Author(s):  
Martin Pugh

This chapter assesses Victorian progress, and considers a marked shift in British thinking during the nineteenth century. After the comparative tolerance of the eighteenth century, the Victorian era saw a distinct deterioration in British attitudes towards Islam, culminating in an almost fanatical view of Muslims by the later nineteenth century. While there is a variety of explanations for the long-term trend, the fundamental one lay in the impact of the process of industrialisation that had set in during the late eighteenth century and that had left Britain apparently the world's leading power by the 1850s. Many Victorians convinced themselves that their success was underpinned by something distinctive in the English national character or experience. Even when confronted with the evidence produced by mid-century investigations into widespread poverty, many Victorians retained their self-confidence, arguing that if industrial development continued for another generation it would inevitably generate employment and spread prosperity for all who were able and willing to work.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-170
Author(s):  
Oili Pulkkinen

In this article, I shall examine the European part of the Russian Empire, Russian culture and Russians in eighteenth century handbooks of geography when “the Newtonian turn” took place in that discipline. Thanks to travel literature and history writing, we are used to thinking of the Russians as representing “otherness” in Europe. Still, in handbooks of geography, Russia was the gate between Asia and Europe. This article will explicate the stereotype(s) of the British characterisations of the Russian national character and the European part of the Russian Empire (excluding ethnic minorities in Russia), in order to reconstruct the idea of Russia in the British (and Irish) geography books.


1990 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
Tadeusz Chrzanowski

Before I attempt a brief survey of the numerous and varied examples of religious architecture in Poland let me mention a few well-known facts. Poland, having grown out of a tribal community, and having early developed a national character, after the Union with Lithuania (first a personal union in 1386 and then a State union in 1569) began expanding rapidly. At the turn of the fifteenth century a new model of parliamentary monarchy was established, a model functioning in an already multinational, federal state, which ceased to be the ‘Republic of Two Nations’ and became instead the ‘Republic of Many Nations’. I do not intend to analyse here all the achievements, changes, and mistakes of Poland, but I would like to stress that between the fifteenth century and the eighteenth century the Poles were in a minority. This minority, however, decided the country’s fate, as it was Polish noblemen (szlachta) who set the political and cultural pace. It has never been accurately assessed what percentage of the whole society the noblemen were, but it must have been high, probably the highest in Europe. According to some sources, the Poles who felt themselves free and regarded Poland as their commonwealth formed ten per cent of the whole population. We should also note that at that time the process of Polonization took place mainly among the nobility, and that the Poles who were in a minority in the Polish-Lithuanian State were at the same time a majority among those who ruled that State. I am not saying that as a Polish nationalist, but as an historian who has a deep respect and friendly feeling for all the nations and denominations which once inhabited this large and unique country. The Union of Lublin put the final touches to this distinctive commonwealth, which appeared too early in the Europe of nationalism and absolutism to survive.


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