Balance of payments liberalization in Latin America: effects on growth, distribution and poverty

Author(s):  
Lance Taylor ◽  
Rob Vos
1978 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-339
Author(s):  
Aldo Ferrer

Since 1973 most of the Latin American countries have experienced deterioration in their balance of payments due to the economic recession in the industrial countries and the oil price increases. The consequent adjustment process has called for stricter regulation of domestic demand and new advances in import substitution. Adjustment was less painful due to access to private financing in the international capital markets which, however, produced a sharp increase in the external debt.This article does not propose to review the recent patterns of external payments, already extensively analyzed in the periodic reports of the UN Economic Commission for Latin America, the International Monetary Fund, and in other studies. Rather, it will attempt to emphasize some long-term changes in the world economy and in Latin America that influence the international participation of the region. It is in this context that the adjustment process of the balance of payments and the external debt should be evaluated.


2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-202
Author(s):  
Ilhan Ozturk

Using panel data for 21 Latin Americancountries over the period 1975–2004, this paper analyzes macroeconomic effects of IMF programmes by using GEE methodology. In line with the results of previous studies, it is shown that these programmes have positive effects on the balance of payments, current account and investment. However, they negatively affect budget deficit, per capita GDP, FDI, inflation and consumption.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 444-462
Author(s):  
Ignacio Perrotini-Hernández ◽  
Juan Alberto Vázquez-Muñoz

The article draws together the analyses of the interaction between economic capacity (ec), the endogeneity of the natural growth rate (gn) and the growth rate consistent with balance-of-payments equilibrium (gtb) that constrains economic activity. We identify two possible scenarios: the self-correcting scenario where gtb is more elastic than the normal natural rate of growth (gnn) vis-à-vis ec, and the self-aggravating scenario where gnn is more elastic than gtb with respect to ec. We empirically assess our central tenet (ec is a determinant of the relations between gtb, gw and gnn) for the cases of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico, and found that, in all countries, the relationships between ec and gnn and between ec and gtb are positive, except in the case of Argentina where the relation between gtb and ec was negative in the sub-period 1975–1990.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-82
Author(s):  
Pedro Cezar Dutra Fonseca ◽  
Marcelo Arend ◽  
Glaison Augusto Guerrero

The economic policies of the governments of Lula da Silva (2003–2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011–2016) combined orthodox measures with distinctive pro-growth measures that, although they deviated from neoliberalism, cannot be called “developmentalist” either. They lacked a long-term strategy for reversing the deindustrialization of the country or advancing to a new technological paradigm. They did, however, have a historical commitment to income redistribution that was largely implemented. The broad social pact proposed by Lula acknowledged the hegemony of financial capital, and its contradiction was that it protected the hegemonic group by means of monetary and fiscal policies that required growth in the gross domestic product, a favorable balance of payments, and a gap between wages and productivity. When these conditions no longer held, Rousseff responded to the crisis with a “new macroeconomic matrix” that amounted to the abandonment of Lula’s class-coalition pact. As políticas econômicas dos governos de Lula da Silva (2003–2010) e Dilma Rousseff (2011–2016) combinaram medidas ortodoxas com distintas medidas pró-crescimento que, embora se desviassem do neoliberalismo, também não podem ser chamadas de “desenvolvimentalista.” Eles careceram de uma estratégia de longo prazo para reverter a desindustrialização do país e avançar para um novo paradigma tecnológico. Eles tinham, no entanto, um compromisso histórico com a redistribuição de renda que foi implementada em grande parte. O amplo pacto social proposto por Lula reconheceu a hegemonia do capital financeiro, e sua contradição foi que protegia o grupo hegemônico por meio de políticas monetárias e fiscais que exigiam crescimento do produto interno bruto, uma balança de pagamentos favorável e uma lacuna entre salários e produtividade. Quando essas condições não mais se mantiveram, Rousseff respondeu à crise com uma “nova matriz macroeconômica” que resultou no abandono do pacto de coalizão de classes de Lula.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.


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