scholarly journals Security of Germany and the US Military Presence: A “Comfortable” Occupation or an Allied Solidarity?

Author(s):  
Artem Sokolov

The article is devoted to the influence of the American military presence in Germany on the foreign policy strategy of the German leadership in the matter of ensuring the security of Germany. The location of the US Army in a number of German lands has remained a significant factor in German foreign policy since the founding of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949. After the reunification of Germany in 1990, the German government expanded its foreign policy activity based on the system of Western alliances and a multilateral approach. The crisis in the Western community, exacerbated by the actions of the administration of the Donald Trump, raised among the German elites concerns regarding the reliability and predictability of the overseas ally. Despite the declarative statements of German officials about the intention to strengthen the defense potential of the EU, German politicians face difficulties in finding alternatives to US security guarantees.

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (11) ◽  
pp. 38-46
Author(s):  
A. Kokeev

Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-American alliance”, and the realization of this project as the most important prerequisite for a more independent foreign policy. Germany’s refusal to support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 led to the first serious crisis in US Germany relations. At the same time, there was no radical break of the deeply rooted Atlanticism tradition in German policy. It was Angela Merkel as a new head of the German government (2005) who managed to smooth largely disagreements in relations with the United States. Atlanticism remains one of the fundamental foreign policy elements for any German government, mostly because Berlin’s hope for deepening of the European integration and transition to the EU CFSP seems unrealistic in the foreseeable future. However, there is still a fundamental basis of disagreements emerged in the transatlantic relationship (reduction of a military threat weakening Berlin’s dependence from Washington, and the growing influence of Germany in the European Union). According to the federal government's opinion, Germany's contribution to the NATO military component should not be in increasing, but in optimizing of military expenses. However, taking into account the incipient signs of the crisis overcoming in the EU, and still a tough situation around Ukraine, it seems that in the medium-term perspective one should expect further enhancing of Germany’s participation in NATO military activities and, therefore, a growth in its military expenses. In Berlin, there is a wide support for the idea of the European army. However, most experts agree that it can be implemented only when the EU develops the Common Foreign and Defense Policy to a certain extent. The US Germany espionage scandals following one after another since 2013 have seriously undermined the traditional German trust to the United States as a reliable partner. However, under the impact of the Ukrainian conflict, the value of military-political dimension of Germany’s transatlantic relations and its dependence on the US and NATO security guarantees increased. At the same time, Washington expects from Berlin as a recognized European leader a more active policy toward Russia and in respect of some other international issues. In the current international political situation, the desire to expand political influence in the world and achieve a greater autonomy claimed by German leaders seems to Berlin only possible in the context of transatlantic relations strengthening and solidarity within the NATO the only military-political organization of the West which is able to ensure the collective defense for its members against the external threats. However, it is important to take into consideration that not only the value of the United States and NATO for Germany, but also the role of Germany in the North Atlantic Alliance as a “representative of European interests” has increased. The role of Germany as a mediator in establishing the West–Russia relations remains equally important.


Author(s):  
Peter R. Mansoor

A recurring theme of post-World War II US military history is the fixation of American policy-makers on technological solutions to strategic challenges. In the wake of the 1991 victory in the Gulf War, American military leaders embraced a Revolution in Military Affairs combining guided munitions with advanced intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance systems to provide war-winning capabilities for US forces. Although Army experimentation in the 1990s and early 2000s had much to commend it, senior Army leaders lost sight of the connection between strategy and military operations and virtually ignored any type of war other than the one for which the Army's powerful conventional forces were designed. In the aftermath of regime change in Iraq in 2003, US commanders struggled to develop concepts suitable to achieve the nation's strategic goals. Having all but ignored other types of conflict, Army leaders proved incredibly resistant to embracing counterinsurgency operations in Iraq until defeat stared them in the face. In the future, the US Army needs to integrate information networks, ISR systems, and guided munitions into a broader warfighting framework that military leaders can adapt to whatever type of enemies they may face, rather than counting on fighting a mirror-imaged enemy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 3.1-3.12
Author(s):  
N. Mahina Tuteur

This article examines the environmental impacts of the US military presence in Hawaii, looking specifically at the federal government’s power to condemn land for a ‘public purpose’ under the US Constitution. In 2018, the Hawaii Supreme Court ruled that the State of Hawaii failed its duty to properly manage 23,000 acres of lands leased to the military at Pōhakuloa and must take an active role in preserving trust property. With the expiration of this lease (and several others) approaching in 2029, controversy is stirring as to whether the military will simply condemn these lands if the cost of clean-up is greater than the land’s fair-market value at the expiration of the lease. In other words, as long as it remains cheaper for the military to pollute and condemn than it is for it to restore, what options do we have for legal and political recourse? Considering grassroots movements’ strategic use of media and legal action through an environmental justice lens, this article provides a starting point to consider avenues for ensuring proper clean-up of these lands, and ultimately, negotiating for their return to Kānaka Maoli.


2020 ◽  
pp. 39-68
Author(s):  
Brian Taylor

This chapter looks at the first two years of the Civil War, when black men were barred from serving in the US Army. It follows the debate that black Northerners conducted about the proper response to the call to serve in the US military, which they were sure would come at some point. Immediate enlistment advocates sparred with those who counseled withholding enlistment until African Americans’ demands had been met. Black Northerners began to articulate the terms under which they would serve the Union, among which citizenship emerged as central, as well as the changes necessary to bring lived reality in the United States in line with the founding principle of equality.


Young ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denise Goerisch

In response to the events of 9/11, the Girl Scouts of San Diego created a service programme within the annual Girl Scout cookie sale called Operation Thin Mint, which sends cookies to soldiers serving overseas. Representations of American patriotism and national identity are featured prominently throughout the cookie sale as girls come to embody America’s role in overseas military conflicts, an embodiment of everyday geopolitical processes that frame the US military as protector of American innocence, ideals and values. Scouts come to engage with political and economic systems that position them beyond their communities as they ‘sell the nation’ to consumers as a form of care, blurring the boundaries between the public and private spheres as well as the local and global. Based on an in-depth ethnographic study on the Girl Scout cookie sale, this article will examine the complex gendered relationship between the American military, girls’ bodies and care.


Significance The case investigates whether Lula illegally used his overseas connections to assist Brazilian construction giant Odebrecht, which has considerable African investments. Expanding influence into Africa began under Lula. It has since been at the heart of Brazil's broader push to advance its global and regional credentials. The economic slowdown raised doubts about its ability to sustain this push. The Petrobras corruption scandal has accelerated such scepticism, threatening to reduce significantly the scope of Brazil's foreign policy in the region. Impacts Ties with smaller Lusophone states in West Africa prioritise security, reflecting that sub-region's geostrategic position for Brazil. Brazil plays prominent international law and justice roles in those states but through UN structures -- limiting the financial impact. Brazil's small military capacity constrains its scope to rebuff US military presence in the smaller Lusophone states.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Reyes;Reyes

This chapter provides an empirical examination of how Filipina women construct their intimate relationships with US military men, and compares marriage migrants with those ‘left behind’ when the US military withdrew from their permanent bases in the Philippines. First, I’ll situate the case in theories on interracial love and marriage. Second, I outline my data and analytic approach. Following this, I focus on my findings. I show how the women talked about the base through the lens of childhood nostalgia. This is important to understand to contextualize their views of US servicemen and provide the backdrop from which these relationships were formed. Next, I show how they draw on love myths to frame their relationships and draw symbolic boundaries around their own relationship and others that may seem similar. Finally, I discuss how they further embraced their familial roles of wife and mother. Being legally or informally married to a US serviceman shapes a woman’s role in her family. Their childhood memories and current conceptions of motherhood and as a wife are interconnected with how they see their relationships with these men.


Author(s):  
Nikolay Bobkin

The article gives an assessment of Iran's policy in neighboring Iraq during the years of the American occupation. The author's scientific hypothesis is that after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran, and not America, became the real beneficiary of the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. The Iranian leadership, interested in changing the Baathist regime in Baghdad, having received such a strategic gift, did everything to use the US military presence to its advantage. The purpose of this study is to analyze the strategy of expanding Iran's influence in Iraq and its impact on US policy. The article shows that the nature of Iran's influence in Iraq included all the elements of state power: diplomatic, informational, military and economic. It is concluded that Tehran managed to take advantage of the democratic reforms in Iraq, which were carried out under the control of Washington. Iran used its Shiite henchmen, which gave it a political advantage over the United States, which did not have such influential allied forces in Iraq. Despite the disparate balance of military forces with America, Iran managed to avoid the risk of war with the United States and move on to achieving its long-term goals in Iraq. In the future, Tehran plans to achieve the rejection of Baghdad from constructive relations with Washington.


2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-118
Author(s):  
Paul G Buchanan

The article traces the origins, rationale and some of the dilemmas that have emerged in the practice of ‘embedded’ journalism. It argues that the practice emerged as a post-Vietnam response by the US military to the ‘problem’ of independent news coverage of conflicts in which the US was involved. For the post-Vietnam US military, independent news coverage was problematic because it often contradicts the official war narrative and, if left unhindered, undermines public support for the war effort. Since public support is crucial for success in a foreign war, particularly during lengthy engagements, independent news coverage is seen as a threat to the unity of the home front and therefore a threat to the war effort itself. The lesson learned from Vietnam was to restrict independent media access to battle zones, first by denying all access and withdrawing security guarantees to journalists operating in conflict theaters, and then by providing privileged but controlled access to front line units via the practice of facilitated news-gathering known as ‘embedded journalism’. As it turns out, even that practice has a downside, and there is more to the story than the military desire to control the narrative.


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