VERSKO PITANjE U VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Velibor Džomić ◽  

In 1918, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes included various peoples and numerous churches and religious communities. The largest number of inhabitants of the new state belonged to the Orthodox, Roman Catholic and Muslim religions. The founder of the Constitution had the obligation to regulate the right to freedom of religion by the Constitution and to ensure equality between the existing churches and religious communities. The founder of the Constitution decided to reject the earlier constitutional model of the state religion from the Kingdom of Serbia and the Kingdom of Montenegro and to standardize the constitutional model of adopted or recognized religions. The political basis for the new constitutional solution was found in point 7 of the Corfu Declaration, which stated that ”all recognized religions will be exercised freely and publicly. The Orthodox, Roman Catholic and Mohammedan religions, which are the strongest in our nation in terms of the number of followers, will be equal and equal to the state. Based on these principles, the legislator will take care to preserve and maintain confessional peace, which corresponds to the spirit and past of our entire nation”. The paper analyzes the norms of the Vidovdan Constitution on freedom of religion.

Author(s):  
Bielefeldt Heiner, Prof ◽  
Ghanea Nazila, Dr ◽  
Wiener Michael, Dr

This chapter focuses on issues concerning the right to communicate on religious matters at the national and international level. Such communications not only encompass transmitting and receiving verbal or written religious messages, but also personal contacts, processions, and pilgrimages. At the domestic level, processions or parades may provoke violent clashes and public order problems, often leading the State authorities to ban or restrict such processions. Meanwhile, at the international level, religious communities and their pilgrimage sites are usually not confined to the territory of only one State, which naturally leads to the need for international communications and pilgrimages. This situation illustrates the overlap of the right to communicate in matters of religion also with the rights to disseminate publications and to teach a religion or belief. Issues of interpretation include the questions whether communications are also covered by this freedom if they are made for proselytizing purposes or if they involve transfrontier travels in order to attend a religious meeting or undertake a pilgrimage.


2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 452-482
Author(s):  
Stojan Mićović

The neglect of freedom of religion is relevant once again. Montenegro passed its Law on Freedom of Religion, which caused tectonic disturbances in the relations between the state and the church, prescribing the nationalization of church land and shrines, inherently challenging the legal continuity of certain religious communities and with a questionable generality, i.e. the ability to apply to all. The law provoked mass litanies of Orthodox faithful as non-violent resistance, which also received recognition by the global public. A particular facet is the aspiration of the President of Montenegro and the decades-long ruling political party to form a new, independent Orthodox Church. There is thus a unique case in 21st century Europe that a government in a secular state is officially charging itself with the reorganization of an existing church organization. This article deals with the Law on Freedom of Religion in Montenegro, its concordance with the Constitution of Montenegro and the ECHR, and also analyzes the relationship between Montenegrin religious policy and the principle of state neutrality, as an indispensable principle of modern regulation of the church-state relations, bearing in mind the legislation and political situation in Montenegro until August 30, 2020.


1988 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
D. J. Smith

The interrelationship between church and state: Some theological models with reference to the right to revolt against the state In this paper consideration is given to the theological models concerning the relation church and state, as accepted by the Roman Catholic Church, Luther, Calvin, Karl Barth and the theologies with a revolutionary inclination like the Political Theology, Theology of Liberation, Revolutionary Theology and the Kairos Document. The right to revolt against the state, as perceived within each model, is also dealt with.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-61
Author(s):  
Annika Ullman

Principal C.J.L. Almqvist and the principle of personalityThe Swedish author and visionary Carl Jonas Love Almqvist (1793–1866) was the principal for twelve years (1829–1841) of the government-initiated pilot school ”Nya Elementarskolan” (New Elementary School) in Stockholm. In this position, he argued that both the school and the state should be built on the same basic idea: the right of individual freedom. This argument is often referred to as ”personlighetsprincipen” (the principle of personality), a concept launched by another prominent figure of the liberal culture of the time, Erik Gustaf Geijer (1783–1847). This article explores how the principle of personality is expressed in the texts of Almqvist and is mainly built upon the concept’s allegorical resources. It examines the thesis that Almqvist’s use of the term is best understood if one distinguishes between the political, pedagogical, and existential dimension of the concept. The article ends with some thoughts about the context of the concept and a discussion on whether Almqvist had a greater interest in personalities than in principles.


Author(s):  
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde ◽  
Mirjam Künkler ◽  
Tine Stein

In this article Böckenförde contrasts his concept of open encompassing neutrality (found in most Scandinavian countries and in Germany) with that of distancing neutrality, as practised in France. While the latter champions negative religious freedom, open encompassing neutrality aims for a balancing of negative and positive religious freedom. Religious freedom for Böckenförde is multidimensional and includes the right to have (or not) a religious faith (freedom of belief), to affirm (or not) this faith privately and openly (freedom to profess), to exercise (or not) one’s religion publicly (freedom of worship), and to join together (or not) in religious communities (religious freedom of association). The correlate to these individual and group rights is the open and overarching principle of the state’s neutrality towards religion and other worldviews, entailing a prohibition on the state justifying law on religious grounds. Furthermore, it requires the state not to privilege religion over non-religion and one religious faith over another. Siding with the ruling of the Federal Constitutional Court (at a time when he was not a sitting judge), Böckenförde underlines that even religious communities who reject the democratic state have the right to be recognized and legally protected. What matters is not whether communities accept or reject the state, but whether they obey or violate its laws. This was the court’s view on the Jehovah’s Witnesses, and it must also be applied, Böckenförde writes, to religious fundamentalists who do not accept the secular order, as long as they do not violate any laws.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 40
Author(s):  
Sekar Anggun Gading Pinilih

Indonesia is a religious pluralism country, not only one religion is recognized by the state but more than one religion and belief. Every Indonesian people has the freedom to choose, embrace, teach religion according to his belief without interruption and disturbing from others. Pancasila comes as a unifying nation in running the diversity, especially the value of Belief in God. This value then animates Article 28 E Paragraph (1) and Article 29 of the Constitution of Indonesia as the legal basis for guarantee the right to freedom of religion and worship. 


Author(s):  
Heinrich de Wall

AbstractIn search of the system of the state-church relation in the German Constitution – the academic discussion about state church law in the period of Weimar. The academic discussion during the period of Weimar about the state-church relation as it was adjusted by the German Constitution lasted only thirteen years. Among many other themes it focussed on the right of self-determination of religious communities and its limits, on the churches’ status as public corporations, and on the extent of state supervision over the churches. Summarizing these topics, the question how the “system of church politics of the constitution” could be defined was widely discussed. As the state-church regulation was the result of a compromise between fundamentally opposing positions, it was hardly possible to find a summarizing term for this concept. The formulations which were proposed clearly reflect this difficulty. Irrespective of this, the Weimar discussion developed principles of the state church law which are still valid.


2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 350-366
Author(s):  
Alfonso Donoso

AbstractBy offering a critical analysis of Nicolás Maloberti’s recent theory and justification of punishment, this article accounts for a series of principles and considerations that any liberal and Lockean theory of punishment must take seriously. This article contends that Locke’s conception of the state – an institution grounded on the right to punish violators of natural rights – and the basic character of the right to property within Locke’s scheme of rights are elements that should lead us to affirm that no genuine liberal theory of punishment can dispense with the political character of the right to punish.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Fitrawati Fitrawati

This paper tries to examine the right to freedom of interfaith marriage in Indonesia from the perspective of Human Rights Universalism and Cultural Relativism. The purpose of this paper is to explain how universalism and cultural relativity view interfaith marriage in Indonesia. This research is a normative legal research. This study uses a literature approach. The findings of this study indicate that interfaith marriage in Indonesia is still not well accepted and has always been controversial news in the community, even considered to have exceeded or violated the provisions of marriage, but there are still followers of different religions who decide to marry. In fact, many of them are smuggling laws so that their marriages are recognized by the state, namely by registering marriages abroad and then continuing the registration in Indonesia. Meanwhile, on the other hand, Indonesia already has a law on Marriage, namely, Article 2 paragraph 1. It is also contained in the article of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, namely the right to freedom of marriage (article 16 UDHR) which includes the right to marry between religions (different religions), and the right to freedom of religion (article 18 UDHR) which includes the right to change religions. Meanwhile, in cultural realivism, it rejects everything that is universal.


Author(s):  
O. Kosilova

The article examines the problem of restriction of political rights and freedoms. It is emphasized that the protection against unlawful restrictions on political rights and freedoms is particularly important for the functioning of direct and mediatory democracy. The meaning of the concept of «restriction of rights and freedoms» is analyzed. The article addresses the basic principles which should not be violated when the restriction of rights and freedoms is applied. To achieve this goal, the author analyzes the rules of domestic law, the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the rules of international law governing these issues. The author differentiates political rights and freedoms into those that may be restricted in accordance with the provisions of the Basic Law of Ukraine and those that are not subject to any restrictions; features of realization of political rights and freedoms in comparison with other groups of rights, such as social and economic, cultural are defined. Some of the political rights and freedoms that may be restricted are analyzed and ways to restrict them are identified, in particular: the right to join political parties, suffrage, the right to peaceful assembly, rallies, marches and demonstrations, the right to equal access to public service, freedom words, thoughts, views and beliefs. It is noted that from the standpoint of the ECHR it is important to check whether the possibility of restricting the exercise of the right was provided by law; whether the purpose of such a restriction is legitimate; whether such a restriction is necessary in a democratic society. The legitimate grounds for restricting human rights enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine have been identified: public health; social necessity; rights, freedoms and dignity of citizens; public order; economic well-being; national security; territorial integrity; morality of the population. It is emphasized that in accordance with the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the restriction of the content and scope of rights and freedoms should be considered as a restriction. It is important that all restrictions were established exclusively by the constitution; were not arbitrary and unjust; the law restricting human rights must be of a general nature; restrictions must be proportionate and justified; they must optimally achieve a legitimate goal with minimal interference in the exercise of rights or freedoms, not to violate the essential content of the relevant right. It is determined that special qualification requirements for holding public positions, as well as participation in the electoral process (implementation of active and passive suffrage) cannot be considered restrictions. It is emphasized that the state, represented by its organs, should refrain from unjustified interference with political rights (for example, from discriminatory restrictions on the suspension of political rights of prisoners, violation of electoral secrecy of the ballot); take measures against possible violations of political rights by third parties (individuals, companies, etc.). It is concluded that restrictions on the exercise of political rights of individuals can be introduced either in favor of guaranteeing the rights of other individuals, or in favor of ensuring the functioning of the state. The legitimate exercise of political rights can be restricted only if the general conditions for interfering with fundamental human rights are met.


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