Toward a Liberal Theory of Punishment: Locke, Property, and Individualism

2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 350-366
Author(s):  
Alfonso Donoso

AbstractBy offering a critical analysis of Nicolás Maloberti’s recent theory and justification of punishment, this article accounts for a series of principles and considerations that any liberal and Lockean theory of punishment must take seriously. This article contends that Locke’s conception of the state – an institution grounded on the right to punish violators of natural rights – and the basic character of the right to property within Locke’s scheme of rights are elements that should lead us to affirm that no genuine liberal theory of punishment can dispense with the political character of the right to punish.

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-61
Author(s):  
Annika Ullman

Principal C.J.L. Almqvist and the principle of personalityThe Swedish author and visionary Carl Jonas Love Almqvist (1793–1866) was the principal for twelve years (1829–1841) of the government-initiated pilot school ”Nya Elementarskolan” (New Elementary School) in Stockholm. In this position, he argued that both the school and the state should be built on the same basic idea: the right of individual freedom. This argument is often referred to as ”personlighetsprincipen” (the principle of personality), a concept launched by another prominent figure of the liberal culture of the time, Erik Gustaf Geijer (1783–1847). This article explores how the principle of personality is expressed in the texts of Almqvist and is mainly built upon the concept’s allegorical resources. It examines the thesis that Almqvist’s use of the term is best understood if one distinguishes between the political, pedagogical, and existential dimension of the concept. The article ends with some thoughts about the context of the concept and a discussion on whether Almqvist had a greater interest in personalities than in principles.


2020 ◽  
pp. 105-130
Author(s):  
Charlotte Epstein

This chapter studies how liberty in the law evolved from being attached to a collective, metaphorical body—the medieval corporation—to being rooted instead in the individual body across a range of practices in seventeenth century Europe. It analyses the early modern forms of toleration that developed from the ground-up in Protestant Europe (Holland and Germany in particular), including the practices of ‘walking out’ (auslauf) to worship one’s God, and the house church (schuilkerk). These practices were key to delinking liberty from place, and thus to paving the way to attaching it instead to territory and the state. The chapter also considers the first common law of naturalisation, known as Calvin’s Case (1608), which wrote into the law the process of becoming an English subject—of subjection. This law decisively rooted the state-subject relation in the bodies of monarch and subject coextensively. Both of these bodies were deeply implicated in the process of territorialisation that begat the modern state in seventeenth-century England, and in shifting the political bond from local authorities to the sovereign. The chapter then examines the corporeal processes underwriting the centralisation of authority, and shows how the subject’s body also became—via an increasingly important habeas corpus—the centre point of the legal revolution that yielded the natural rights of the modern political subject. Edward Coke plays a central role in the chapter.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (65) ◽  
pp. 369-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Henrique Bortoluci

Abstract From the late 1970s until the early 1990s, the issue of the right to housing in São Paulo’s peripheral neighborhoods was pursued side by side with a questioning of the political character of design and construction techniques and an attempt to reframe the construction site as a space of cooperation and political education. This article addresses how this articulation between architects and urban social movements led to an innovation of organizational practices within those movements, transformations in the field of architecture, and the local emergence of the idea of the “right to architecture.”


Author(s):  
O. Kosilova

The article examines the problem of restriction of political rights and freedoms. It is emphasized that the protection against unlawful restrictions on political rights and freedoms is particularly important for the functioning of direct and mediatory democracy. The meaning of the concept of «restriction of rights and freedoms» is analyzed. The article addresses the basic principles which should not be violated when the restriction of rights and freedoms is applied. To achieve this goal, the author analyzes the rules of domestic law, the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the rules of international law governing these issues. The author differentiates political rights and freedoms into those that may be restricted in accordance with the provisions of the Basic Law of Ukraine and those that are not subject to any restrictions; features of realization of political rights and freedoms in comparison with other groups of rights, such as social and economic, cultural are defined. Some of the political rights and freedoms that may be restricted are analyzed and ways to restrict them are identified, in particular: the right to join political parties, suffrage, the right to peaceful assembly, rallies, marches and demonstrations, the right to equal access to public service, freedom words, thoughts, views and beliefs. It is noted that from the standpoint of the ECHR it is important to check whether the possibility of restricting the exercise of the right was provided by law; whether the purpose of such a restriction is legitimate; whether such a restriction is necessary in a democratic society. The legitimate grounds for restricting human rights enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine have been identified: public health; social necessity; rights, freedoms and dignity of citizens; public order; economic well-being; national security; territorial integrity; morality of the population. It is emphasized that in accordance with the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the restriction of the content and scope of rights and freedoms should be considered as a restriction. It is important that all restrictions were established exclusively by the constitution; were not arbitrary and unjust; the law restricting human rights must be of a general nature; restrictions must be proportionate and justified; they must optimally achieve a legitimate goal with minimal interference in the exercise of rights or freedoms, not to violate the essential content of the relevant right. It is determined that special qualification requirements for holding public positions, as well as participation in the electoral process (implementation of active and passive suffrage) cannot be considered restrictions. It is emphasized that the state, represented by its organs, should refrain from unjustified interference with political rights (for example, from discriminatory restrictions on the suspension of political rights of prisoners, violation of electoral secrecy of the ballot); take measures against possible violations of political rights by third parties (individuals, companies, etc.). It is concluded that restrictions on the exercise of political rights of individuals can be introduced either in favor of guaranteeing the rights of other individuals, or in favor of ensuring the functioning of the state. The legitimate exercise of political rights can be restricted only if the general conditions for interfering with fundamental human rights are met.


Author(s):  
F. A. Gayada

The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Ilham Syukri ◽  
Syahidin Syahidin ◽  
Agusri Fauzan

Al-Quran is a book in which it discusses the problems of the world and the hereafter. And the hadith is the official explanation of the Koran. Understanding worldly concepts in al-Quran also requires a process of reasoning through the guidance of the Prophet's sunnah. One of the worldly problems mentioned in al-Quran is the political and ethical basics that must be adhered to in healthy politics in the style of al-Quran. Al-Quran is the principle of life, there is no single problem that exists in the world and even the hereafter unless it is regulated by the guidance and guidance of al-Quran and the valid sunnah, including in the world of politics, even the political character of al-Quran is not comparable. with it, everything is a benefit and blessing if it is used and understood by the right and proper individual. This research uses the thematic method (maudhu'i) about the siyasah verses. The results show that the political characteristics in al-Quran are 1. Bai'at, 2. Shura, 2. Responsibility, 3. Justice, 4. Silaturrahim. If these characters are applied, they will be safe in their career towards Allah SWT. On the contrary, if they do not disobey, they will be misled and get the wrath of the owner of the universe.


Wajah Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
Abustan Abustan

The basic idea of the establishment of DPD is the desire to better accommodate regional aspirations and also give a major role to the region in the political decision-making process for matters relating to the region. In the document of Strategic Plan (Renstra) of the House of Regional representatives (DPD) period 2015-2019 mention that the main objective of DPD RI is the realization of DPD RI as one of the State institutions that play an active role and maintain a balance in the state authority in the field of legislative, through the optimization of the implementation of the parliamentary function. The problem formulation in this journal is how to increase the status of DPD in establishing and strengthening the political representation in Indonesia and how to setup the authority of the Regional Representative Council (DPD) Republik Indonesia (RI) when compared with other countries. The discussion in this journal is the change of UUD 1945 to change the system of representatives in the state of Indonesia that previously did not reveal the actual representation. With the presence of the DPD, in the Indonesian representative system, the DPR is supported and should be strengthened by the DPD. With such conditions, the DPD institution has a very high legitimacy, which should have a high formal authority anyway, but in reality the formal authority is very low. The arrangement of the authority of DPD must be done through the Fifth Amendment UUD 1945. This is necessary for the DPD to have a constitutional certainty, so it will guarantee the continuity of the performance of DPD in the present and future. This arrangement is done by considering two things: first, Dpdas the same representative institution with the House of Representatives, should be engaged optimally in the process of making political decisions nationally. Secondly, the Fifth Amendment of the UUD 1945 is intended to assert the DPD as an institution that holds the authority to form legislation; Has a function of legislation; budget function; and surveillance functions; Then to change the articles that have been debilitating the DPD, namely related to the authority to file a RUU, discussing the RUU and also give the last consideration, this change is also done so that the DPD can then supervise with the giving of the right to ask questions, the right to ask for information and the right of a questionnaire and DPD RI through its tools (honorary body) in charge of implementing the code, is expected to always evaluate and revise the rules of DPD RI that is deemed to be no So ideally, do a comparison of the code of ethics with other countries, in order to minimize the misuse of budgets, duties and authorities.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-89
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Butowski

The above article presents a critical analysis of a conception of limited admissibility of death penalty by Tadeusz Ślipko (restrained retention). Its essence is based on the fact that the victim of a wrongful aggressor has got the right to effectively defend his/her life. The source of such law lies in the absolute inviolability of innocent human’s life as a fundamental right of every man. In case of efficient act of aggression (cold – blooded murder), the state takes over the right to effectively defend the victim’s right of life by administering the perpetrator the death penalty (“life for life”).


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-31
Author(s):  
Husni Mubaroq ◽  
Sohibul Watoni ◽  
Zairotul Hasanah

The concept of decentralization is the authority of the government that is delegated to the regions, including the authority of personnel in accordance with the decentralized functions. The regional head has the task of being a coach of the State Civil Apparatus in the concept of decentralization. There was a case that the Mayor of Probolinggo issued a decree to remove Tutang Heri Aribowo, who served as an Expert Staff at the Regional Secretariat of the City of Probolinggo. The Regional Government as a civil servant coach tends to abuse its authority. This happens because there is the influence of the political elite in giving disciplinary punishment to employees. The author wants to describe the problem in a study that uses descriptive analytical methods, namely descriptions of the facts and characteristics of a particular population or area in a systematic, factual and thorough manner. The data in this study collected materials by means of a library study. This study also uses a normative juridical method with a statutory approach. So that in this study we know the legal basics of this problem. In order to know the proper process and institution related to the case problem. This aims at employee disputes on the right track and there is no arbitrariness by the ASN supervisor. Keywords: Employment Disputes, Authority, Personnel Advisor


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 393
Author(s):  
Ilse Gomes Silva

Resumo: O artigo tem como objetivo levantar elementos para a análise da ação do Estado brasileiro diante das manifestações de junho de 2013 e compreender o processo de criminalização dos movimentos sociais. As manifestações de junho de 2013, em todo o território brasileiro, denunciaram a precarização das condições de vida da população e a forma violenta do Estado tratar a classe trabalhadora quando ousa reivindicar seus direitos. Diversos movimentos sociais estão nas ruas exercendo o direito à participação política e pressionando as instituições da democracia. A reação violenta do Estado brasileiro a estas manifestações indicam que direitos duramente conquistados, como a liberdade de expressão e organização, estão ameaçados, o que coloca em risco a participação política da classe trabalhadora e, consequentemente, a democracia.Palavras-chave: Poder político, autoritarismo, movimentos sociais, democracia.DEMOCRACY AND CRIMINALIZATION OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN BRAZIL: the manifestations on june 2013Abstract: The article aims to identify elements for the Brazilian state action on the analysis of the manifestations on June 2013 and understand the process of criminalization of social movements. The manifestations on June 2013, in all of Brazil, denounced the deterioration of people’s living conditions and the violent way the state treat the working class when it dares to claim their rights. Diverse social movements are on the streets exercising the right to political participation and exerting pressure on institutions of democracy. The violent reaction of the Brazilian state to these demonstrations indicate that hard-won rights such as freedom of expression and organization, are threatened, which endangers the political participation of the working class and hence democracy.Key words: Political power, authoritarianism, social movements, democracy.


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