scholarly journals Political Tolerance, National Unity and Social Cohesion as a Tool for Democratic Consolidation in Sierra Leone

Author(s):  
Dr. Allieu Badara Kabia ◽  
Ibrahim Mansaray
2003 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jimmy D. Kandeh

The landslide victory by the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) in the 2002 elections was due not to any ideological or policy differences with opposition parties, but to the perception among a plurality of voters that the party delivered on its promise to end the war and therefore deserved re-election. The elections were in effect a referendum on the incumbent president and his ruling SLPP, with voters overwhelmingly concluding that Ahmad Tejan Kabba, the SLPP leader, was preferable to the legion of certified scoundrels seeking to replace him. Signs of the All Peoples Congress (APC), the party that was in power from 1968–92, making a political comeback galvanised otherwise unenthusiastic voters into supporting Kabba and the SLPP. In contrast to the APC, against whom the rebel war was launched, or the Revolutionary United Front Party (RUFP), which initiated and prosecuted the insurgency, or the People's Liberation Party (PLP), whose earlier incarnation prolonged the war by colluding with rebels, Kabba and the SLPP claimed to have ended a war that was caused, launched and sustained by assorted elements of the political opposition. The SLPP, however, can ill-afford to bask in electoral triumph or ignore the festering problems of rampant official corruption and mass poverty that led to armed conflict in the 1990s. Tackling the problem of corruption and mass deprivation may hold the key to democratic consolidation, but it is doubtful whether the SLPP, as presently constituted, is capable of leading the fight against these scourges. The SLPP may be reaching out to become a national party but it still remains an unreconstructed patronage outfit that is unresponsive to popular currents and mass aspirations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-38
Author(s):  
Tordue Simon Targema ◽  
Joseph M Lucas

Hate speech is among the most significant communication issues that preoccupy the agenda of relevant governmental agencies and media analysts in contemporary Nigeria. It is an unfortunate phenomenon that manifests in the public sphere, and is fast threatening the fragile democracy which the country is struggling to consolidate. Against this backdrop, this study investigates the nature of readers’ comments on online news sites in the country, their place within the context of hate speech rhetoric, and their implication on democratic consolidation in the country. Hinged on the Social Responsibility Theory, the study employs two research methods- Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and content analysis to investigate the manifestation of hate speech in online readers’ comments. Population of the study comprises 2,530 comments, generated from ten stories on prominent online news platforms in the country. From these, a sample of 250 comments (10% of the population) has been selected systematically for closer examination. Findings reveal that, although quantitatively, positive comments dominate the study population (comprising 60% while negative comments account for the remaining 40%), qualitatively, the trend of discussion is disturbing, as commentators employ the use of hate language, verbal assault, name calling, insults and derogatory words to describe subjects. To this end, the study concludes that readers need to exhibit a high sense of responsibility in the course of interaction on the online comments platforms. Where such responsibility is not self-enforced by commentators, news platforms should remove comments that contain venomous hate language in the interest of national unity, democracy and development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Koliswa M. Matebese-Notshulwana ◽  
Teboho J. Lebakeng

The demise of colonial-apartheid created a heightened sense of euphoria that was accompanied by great expectations in South Africa. Inevitably, the broad spectrum of South Africans expected the new dispensation to birth a fertile social, political and economic ground for national unity and reconciliation and social cohesion through a just and equitable democratic society. In thisregard, various institutional frameworks were transformed to be in sync with the new requirements placed on a democratising society. Historically, racial social engineering had profoundly fractured the South African society and made it difficult for society to cohere. Among these transformed institutional frameworks was the legislature, which is one of three arms of government that works in conjunction with the executive and judicial branches. At the core of the legislative branch is legislation (creating or amending new laws), oversight (control over the executive and custodian of natural resources) and deliberation (representative between the people and government). In this article, we contend that given the centrality of the legislature in driving the direction of the country, this institution has betrayed the hopes, aspirations and sensibilities of South Africans by being ineffective and irresponsible in its functions. Methodologically, the paper uses desktop research, and draws from primary and secondary documentary evidence. Structurally, it covers the following: the role of the legislature during colonialapartheid; the new dispensation and the new role of the legislature; and the challenges faced by the legislature under new determinant conditions. The article reaches the conclusion that the failure of South Africa to transform into a just and cohesive non-racial, non-sexist society is, to a great extent, a function of the dismal performance of the legislature. Therefore, pursuant on the re-imagination of South Africa from its colonial-apartheid past, the legislature will have to perform its roles and functions effectively and take its responsibilities seriously in order to ensure social cohesion through inclusive development.


Author(s):  
Fred Bidandi

Social cohesion, the foundation that keeps society together, is influenced by various inter-related factors such as education social, cultural, religious, and business, among others. Current debates indicates that unless social cohesion in its various dimensions is addressed, be it through reconciliation, tackling inequality, crafting a national identity, or bridging rural-urban divides, the implementation of any Southern African Development Plan will be challenging. In this paper, social cohesion is viewed as an intervention for coexistence; as an invitation to find common ground and allowing the sharing of social spaces; and to forge a common identity whilst recognising societal diversity. This paper postulates that although social cohesion is intended to contribute towards nation-building and national unity, government policies are fundamental to the advancement thereof. The paper defines, unpacks, and identifies the challenges of social cohesion using South Africa as a case study. The paper argues that the family is instrumental in building social cohesion. Government through its policies processes has an important role to play in strengthen the family. The lessons learnt could contribute to the role of family towards social cohesion on the African continent.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (25) ◽  
pp. 15-27
Author(s):  
Sakinah Salleh ◽  
Alwi Mohd Yunus ◽  
Rahimah Embong

This article aims to discuss the implementation of civic education as a means to foster multicultural tolerance in Malaysia. The prevailing racial disparity due to racial hate, racist remarks, and an unbecoming statement from political and community leaders indicate a serious breach of harmonious racial relationships among various races in Malaysia. Conflicts among diverse societies can lead to disintegration and social problems. The internalization of multicultural tolerance, especially among the younger generation is an effective effort to avoid conflicts within societies since multicultural tolerance is one of the key ingredients for harmonious co-existence. Due to these multicultural differences, education has been perceived as an instrument for promoting national unity and harmony among citizens. Therefore, civic education should be given priority to instil a sense of national love and to build a virtuous and responsible society. Based on the descriptive literature review method, this paper seeks to propose an integrated civic education framework inclusive of three elements; curriculum, teaching approach, and teacher’s competency to foster a multicultural tolerance among the young generation. This framework of integrated civic education is expected to help in solving the issues of multicultural tolerance and develop social cohesion among the young generation. Consequently, it can cultivate a sense of respect among members of our multiracial society and ultimately promote national peace and harmony.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Peter Martin ◽  
John Michael Carey

The Hare Quota-Largest Remainders (HQLR) formula promoted consensus-building during Tunisia’s constitution-writing process and in the new democratic regime’s first years but it is now an obstacle to democratic consolidation. HQLR discourages the development of a tractable partisan choice set -- one large enough to afford voters meaningfully distinct options but not so large as to be cognitively overwhelming -- and fosters party fragmentation in parliament, obstructing the formation of workable governing coalitions. One result has been coalitions and national unity governments so heterogeneous as to lack common purpose, frustrating and disillusioning citizens and risking nostalgia for the decisiveness of the previous, authoritarian system. Replacing HQLR with either D’Hondt or St.Lague divisors formula would reverse the incentives toward parliamentary fragmentation, foster a more coherent political party landscape, and, if democratic competition is restored following President Kais Said’s auto coup in July 2021, facilitate Tunisia’s democratic consolidation by clarifying partisan accountability in parliament.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Saiful Mujani

Indonesia underwent democratization after more than 20 years (1998–2020), but many studies conclude that the country’s democracy is not consolidated and suffered a setback, at least in the last five years. An increase in political intolerance in society is believed to be the cause of this setback. However, studies on Indonesian political tolerance are biased and thus do not reflect actual conditions of general tolerance. This study offers a new unbiased strategy called “content-controlled measures of political tolerance” in the research on political tolerance. This strategy has been used in a series of national public opinion surveys for a relatively long period (2004–2019) and is a source of scarce data for this study. Results present a new finding that preference for democracy, as a measure of democratic consolidation at the attitudinal level, is not accompanied by political tolerance. In fact, political tolerance weakens the consolidation of democracy, which is a symptom of a condition that the author calls the “intolerant democrat syndrome.” In this syndrome, preference for democracy is hampered by political tolerance and vice versa. This syndrome makes the consolidation of Indonesian democracy difficult. Further research on the causes of the emergence of this syndrome is necessary; however, the author suspects that the current constitution contributes systematically to this syndrome.


2021 ◽  
pp. 246-274
Author(s):  
Nils Holtug

Where multiculturalists have argued that shared multicultural values and multicultural policies may form the basis for national unity and secure the allegiance of minorities to the polity and its members, critics have suggested that multiculturalism fractures society and promotes commitments to ethnic in-groups rather than trust and solidarity at the societal level. Based on a review of existing studies, this chapter concludes that multicultural policies do not seem to make much of a difference for these aspects of social cohesion, but that insofar as they do have an impact, it seems to be positive. More importantly, multicultural values seem to have positive direct value effects, not only on out-group trust and solidarity, but also on trust and solidarity in the in-group. Thus, as argued in Chapter 4, multicultural policies are in some cases supported by concerns for equality, and there is furthermore no evidence that such policies are detrimental to the social basis for egalitarian redistribution. In fact, the evidence suggests that states can strengthen social cohesion by engaging in community-building based on liberal and multicultural values.


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