scholarly journals Daud Meloncat-loncat dan Menari-nari: Aspek Teologis Bahasa Tubuh dalam Ibadah Kristiani

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-101
Author(s):  
Sonny Eli Zaluchu ◽  
Yesaya Bangun Ekoliesanto

The use of expressive body languages, such as jumping and dancing, is often underestimated in Christian worship. Its existence is often labeled with the Charismatic church. This paper will discuss the use of dance and other expressive gestures in Christian worship based on the story of David jumping and dancing (2 Sam 6: 14-16). The method used in this paper is the study of literature. This study will analyze David's dance in the Old Testament and the essential meaning of Christian service. It may be concluded that David who jumped and danced could be used as a theological basis for body language in Christian Worship, as long as these expressive body languages are used responsibly with the faithful essential meaning of worship.AbstrakPenggunaan bahasa tubuh ekspresif, seperti meloncat-loncat dan menari-nari sering dipandang sebelah mata dalam ibadah Kristiani. Keberadaannya sering dilabelkan dengan gereja karismatik. Makalah ini akan membahas penggunaan tarian dan bahasa tubuh ekspresif lain dalam ibadah Kristiani berdasarkan kisah Daud yang meloncat-loncat dan menari-nari (2Sam 6:14-16). Metode yang digunakan adalah kajian literatur yang menganalisa tarian Daud dalam Perjanjian Lama dan esensi ibadah Kristiani. Berdasarkan studi literatur tersebut, dapat disimpulkan bahwa Daud yang meloncat-loncat dan menari-nari dapat digunakan sebagai dasar teologis bahasa tubuh di dalam ibadah Kristiani, dengan catatan bahwa hal ini dilakukan dengan penuh tanggung jawab dan memiliki esensi ibadah yang benar. 

Author(s):  
Peter Galadza

Eastern Orthodox and Catholics of the Byzantine Rite practice a liturgical tradition historically synthesized and disseminated via the Patriarchate of Constantinople. Various traditions of Jerusalem, and Palestine more generally, became a significant part of the synthesis. After Constantinople’s fall in 1453, the Greek liturgical books printed in Venice came to codify the textual and structural bases for the various families of this Rite. These families nonetheless employ different languages and music. They are also distinguished by ritual particularities. The Byzantine tradition stresses the sacramentality of the entire worship space and retains a transcendent ethos. The latter derives from the belief that earthly liturgy is a copy of the heavenly. While the full, codified Rite reveals an obvious regard for Scripture, approximately 85 percent of the Old Testament is not part of the lectionary—even if allusions to those unused passages are occasionally found in the hymnography. Historically, various genres have evolved in Byzantine hymnography, but—with some exceptions—the evolution of new forms ceased after Constantinople’s fall. As in all classical Rites, the Eucharist consists of a Liturgy of the Word and Liturgy of the Eucharist, though an elaborate preparation of the gifts precedes the Liturgy of the Word. A distinctive Liturgy of the Pre-sanctified Gifts is a prominent part of Lenten observance. As for the Hours, Vespers and Matins (Orthros) are the “hinges” of the office. Especially in the ancestral territories of the Rite, these have remained prominent—even in parochial churches. The Orthodox Church does not grant the same status to the Septinarium as does the Catholic, but all seven sacraments are celebrated with significant rites. Baptism, Chrismation (Confirmation), and the Eucharist are always administered together as initiation into the Church. The immovable cycle of feasts begins on September 1, imitating the old Byzantine civil calendar, while Easter, the actual start of the Church year, inaugurates the cycle of movable commemorations. The latter includes a cycle of eight melodic tones, with one tone used per week. For the reckoning of the date of Easter, the Julian calendar continues to predominate, even though the Gregorian has been used by many Orthodox Churches for the immovable cycle since the post-World War I period. The theological academies of the Russian Empire spawned a flowering of liturgical scholarship at the end of the 19th century. The Bolshevik Revolution curtailed this, and the baton passed to Rome’s Oriental Institute and to Orthodox institutions in Paris, Athens, and Thessaloniki, not to mention individual scholars throughout Europe. Among the greatest challenges for the Byzantine Church today is the development and appropriation of solid research—both historical and theological—with a view to revitalizing worship in cultural environments significantly different from those in which it was born. Sociological factors, however, impede liturgical reform.


2009 ◽  
Vol 120 (9) ◽  
pp. 458-458
Author(s):  
Mike Butterworth

Author(s):  
Tatyana Khizhaya

One of the main markers of the Russian Subbotniks movement was the prohibition of icon-worship, mentioned in the earliest official sources about the Judaizers. Case investigations reflected in the archival documents bristle with information about rejection of icons by sectarians. But besides these uninformative stereotype accusations, we also find more detailed descriptions of iconoclastic ideas and practices of the «Russian Jews». These were diverse practices – individual, collective, secret, public – of rejecting images. Some of them became specific rituals of revealing followers of «Mosaic Law» to the church and secular authorities. These were practices of desecration of icons – also more or less concealed and demonstrative; some of them were harsh and aggressive. Proving the importance of the prohibition of the icon worship, the Judaizers traditionally referred to the Old Testament texts – i.e. the Pentateuch, the Book of Psalms and Book of Wisdom. The Molokan-Subbotniks in similar cases used the New Testament as well. The attitude to the sacred images became a popular subject of disputes between the Judaizers and missionaries in the last decades of the 19th century. The efforts of the missionaries to distinguish between icons and idols were in vain. The Subbotniks did not accept arguments that were not based on the quotes from the sacred texts. And the Orthodox Christians priests, in turn, could not adequately use the potential of patristic theology, revealing the essence of Christian worship of icons. Their arguments turned out to be irrelevant for representatives of a typical textual community. Strict prohibition of icon-worship did not exclude substitute and visualization practices in the Subbotnik communities. These were the replacing of icons by the Bible and sacred inscriptions, the use of paintings of the Old Testament subjects as well as drawings depicting the All-Seeing Eye and the ritual of venerating the image of Moses, reminiscent of the worship of the icon in the Orthodox Christianity.


1974 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 294-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald E. McFarland

The background of Christian thanksgiving in prayer and liturgy is in the Jewish berakah, a term which refers to thank-offerings made prior to meals, at the annual harvests or in-gatherings, and upon such special occasions as a military success against the Philistines. David's song of deliverance in 2 Samuel 22 is an exmple of the latter, and numerous examples of other subjects of thanksgiving are recorded in the Psalms. Psalms 66, for example, represents the sort of thanksgiving offered at the annual “Feast of Weeks” or “Feast of Ingathering” (specifically of grain), the Jewish harvest celebration of Pentecost (see also Exodus 34:22). The New Testament records several occasions upon which Jesus celebrated the berakah at meals, the most notable being at the feeding of the multitude in Matthew 15:36 and at the Last Supper (Luke 22:17); and on his way to Rome Paul offers thanks at the breaking of bread during a storm at sea (Acts 27:35). In the Greek of the New Testament the berakah is translated as eucharistia (“thanksgiving”), and it is the Eucharist that becomes the central rite of Christian worship. In his “Treatise on Good Works” Martin Luther observes that “praise and thanksgiving will follow with a pure heart, from which the mass is called eucharistia in Greek, that is, thanksgiving.” Friedrich Heiler affirms that “The Thanksgiving Prayer in public worship, the direct expression of the living consciousness of salvation, is always a calling to mind of the history of redemption.” In effect, the Jewish offering of thanks for deliverance from generally immediate, tangible enemies (the Philistines, the Moabites, unfavorable crop conditions) becomes the Christian offering of thanks for deliverance from sin and death through the redemption of Christ. The sacrificial lamb of the Old Testament becomes Christ the lamb in the New Testament, and for the Christian “the Eucharistic action is first and foremost a sacrifice of thanksgiving.” Any study of Christian thanksgivings, however, will demonstrate that the occasional and specific nature of the Jewish thank-offering remains in Christian practice.


Author(s):  
John A. L. Lee

The Septuagint has made a major contribution to the Greek Orthodox Christian liturgy, but this is an aspect of its reception history that has hitherto received little scholarly attention. In this chapter, aspects of the contribution are examined under five headings, ‘The Psalms’, ‘The Odes’, ‘Old Testament Readings’, ‘Quotations and Allusions’, and ‘Vocabulary’. The question of how the Septuagint came to play this role in Christian worship, and especially whether it reflects prior Jewish use of Greek Scripture in the liturgy of the synagogue, is considered in a final section, ‘Origins’, surveying the information available and current opinions and debates in this difficult field.


Author(s):  
Paul F. Bradshaw

The forms of Christian worship changed and developed considerably during the first four centuries of its existence, not least from a distinctive local or regional diversity to an increasing standardization of practice throughout the ancient world. One of the major factors influencing these changes was the eventual adoption of the New Testament as the Christian scripture, and another was the emergence of the church into public life early in the 4th century. Rites of initiation chiefly involving baptism in water marked the entry of new converts into the community of believers. The central observance was the Eucharist, celebrated every Sunday from at least the end of the 1st century. This was supplemented by services of the word on certain days of the week and by regular times of prayer each day undertaken by individuals or small groups of believers. Annual festal celebrations, the majority of which were associated with the anniversaries of martyrs and others who had died, also increased in number as time passed. Christians understood the worship that they offered through Jesus Christ to be the spiritual fulfillment of the sacrificial cult of the Old Testament. Although at first insisting that they were not a religion like others around them—indeed, they were regarded as atheists by their contemporaries—they ultimately came to adopt the language, images, and terminology of standard religious discourse once their persecution had ceased and the Church had emerged as a cultus publicus in the 4th century. This also coincided with a shift from an understanding of worship as an essentially corporate action presided over by its appointed ministers to one where those ministers were seen as carrying out its liturgy on behalf of the people.


1955 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-86
Author(s):  
E. C. Ratcliff

Nothing could be more fitting than to begin a Liturgical Review with a notice of Dr. Oscar Cullmann's Early Christian Worship (Studies in Biblical Theology No. 10. Pp. 124. London: S.C.M. Press, 1953. 8s.). The English book is in two parts: the first entitled ‘Basic Characteristics of the Early Christian Service of Worship’, being a translation of Urchristentum und Gottesdienst (Zürich: Zwingli-Verlag, 1950); and the second, entitled ‘The Gospel according to St John and Early Christian Worship’, being a translation of Les Sacrements dans l'Evangile Johannique (Presses Universitaires de France, 1951). Part 1 occupies only thirty-six pages. Whatever it may have lost in argument through conciseness, it has gained in definiteness and clarity of statement. Dr. Cullmann summarily rejects the distinction commonly drawn between two types of early meeting for worship, one for ‘proclamation of the Word’, the other for the Eucharist. ‘In the service described by Justin, therefore, we are not dealing with a later development, for here the Eucharist and the other elements of worship, above all the proclamation of the Word, are bound up together. That was certainly the case from the beginning’ (30). Yet, if we take, in its plain and grammatical sense, Justin's account of a Baptism and of the Eucharist which follows it, it is not easy to find a reference to, or a place for, a proclamation of the Word of the kind described as forming part of the normal Sunday worship.


1964 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-331
Author(s):  
A. Gelston

Experience shows that the numerous passages in the Old Testament treating of war, and particularly those which represent Yahweh as bringing about and rejoicing in the destruction of Israel's enemies, present an immediate obstacle to the minds of many people. This contributes to an attitude, disquietingly common among worshippers, that most of the Old Testament is no longer suitable for use in Christian worship; and itself reflects the widespread but mistaken notion that, if any claim is made for the authority of the Bible as a whole, each and any part of it may be taken at its face value, and immediately related to Christian doctrine or practice. In contrast to this, it can hardly be over-emphasised that the Old Testament as a whole, and any part of it in particular, must be interpreted in the light of its historical context.


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