scholarly journals LEGAL PERSONALITY OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN UKRAINE AND MEMBER STATES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: COMPARATIVE LEGAL RESEARCH

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-24
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Boichuk ◽  
V. V. Humeniuk

The article examines the trends that have led to a significant increase in the legal personality of political parties in many European countries over the last decade. The growing role of political parties in the modern conditions of a developed democracy requires a revision of the standards of European legislation on their activities. Important issues of legal rights and obligations of political parties in accordance with both international standards and the legislation of Ukraine are revealed; defines the concepts of "subject of legal relations" and "legal capacity", as well as the legal side of the legal personality of a political party; formulates precise legal criteria and bases for recognition of a political party as a subject of law. A comparative legal study of the legal personality of political parties in Ukraine and the Member States of the European Union. The European standards on the legal personality of political parties have already been developed in most European countries and are aimed at achieving the constitutional and legal order is noted. The Law on Political Parties is a common denominator of legislative work, which regulates the organization of political parties and the financing of their participation in election campaigns. The development and implementation of standards for regulating the activities of political parties is a very important component of protecting the principles of a democratic society is determined. The importance of the role that political parties play in governance at both the national and supranational levels, this issue is currently given great importance in the European Union are given. The introduction of European standards in national legislation enables the state to effectively regulate the activities of political parties.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4-1) ◽  
pp. 21-30
Author(s):  
Uğur Burç Yıldız İ ◽  
Anıl Çamyamaç

Abstract Having previously remained impartial on the Gibraltar question between Spain and Britain since both were member states, the European Union suddenly changed its position after the Brexit referendum in favor of the Spanish government at the expense of breaching international law. In doing so, the European Union, for the first time, created a foreign policy on the long-standing Gibraltar question. This article explores the reasons behind the creation of this foreign policy in support of Spain. The European Union feared that the idea of Euroscepticism may escalate among remaining member states after the Brexit referendum because of wide-spread claims that it would dissolve in the near future, fuelled by farright political parties. The European Union therefore created a foreign policy regarding Gibraltar in Spain’s favor in order to promote a “sense of community” for thwarting a further rise in Euroscepticism. While making its analysis, the article applies the assumption of social constructivism that ideas shape interests, which then determine the foreign policy choices of actors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 357-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
R Warrings ◽  
J Fellner

By the end of 2025, a minimum of 50% of aluminium packaging waste has to be recycled within the Member States of the European Union. Aluminium packaging can be recovered through different systems (separate collection, deposit refund systems, informal collection, treatment of municipal solid waste incineration bottom ash or mechanical treatment of mixed municipal solid waste). The present article analysed if the agreed targets for the recycling and reuse of aluminium packaging are reasonable and realistic. To this end, the management of aluminium packaging in 16 selected European countries, yielding results for 11 countries, were investigated. The results show that six out of 11 countries recycle at least two-thirds of the aluminium packaging from MSW and only two report very low recycling rates of 20%. The overall recycling rate reported by the different countries cannot be directly linked to the system of recovery. Only the assertion that a deposit refund system together with selective collection leads to a higher overall collection rate seems permissible. This does not necessarily lead to a higher recycling rate as other countries with similarly high recycling rates make up for it with high amounts of aluminium recovered from bottom ash treatment. A direct comparison of the recycling rates within the European Union Member States, however, is problematic for several reasons, such as data that are often differently or incorrectly assigned, incomplete or rely on estimations and assumptions. The authors therefore propose a clearer assignment of the corresponding data and more extensive mandatory reporting on losses and shares of non-packaging, imported and exported waste.


2002 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 447-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Hug ◽  
Thomas König

The bargaining product of the Amsterdam Intergovernmental Conference—the Amsterdam Treaty—dwindled down the draft proposal to a consensus set of all fifteen member states of the European Union (EU). Using the two-level concept of international bargains, we provide a thorough analysis of how this consensus set was reached by issue subtraction with respect to domestic ratification constraints. Drawing on data sets covering the positions of all negotiating actors and ratifying national political parties, we first highlight the differences in the Amsterdam ratification procedures in the fifteen member states of the EU. This analysis allows us to compare the varying ratification difficulties in each country. Second, our empirical analysis of the treaty negotiations shows that member states excluded half of the Amsterdam bargaining issues to secure a smooth ratification. Because member states with higher domestic ratification constraints performed better in eliminating uncomfortable issues at the Amsterdam Intergovernmental Conference, issue subtraction can be explained by the extent to which the negotiators were constrained by domestic interests.


Author(s):  
A.Zh. Seitkhamit ◽  
◽  
S.M. Nurdavletova

The European Union dynamically exercises various forms and methods of the Soft Power in its foreign policy. The article reviews its main principles and characteristics as well as conceptual basics. As an example, the article considers the European cultural diplomacy in the Republic of Kazakhstan as a method of soft power. The authors pay an attention specific actions of the European cultural diplomacy in Kazakhstan as well as the mechanisms of its implementation. Apart from that, cultural soft power of two European countries – France and Germany – are considered as separate actions of the EU member states in the sphere of culture. Finally, it assesses importance of Kazakhstan for the EU and effectiveness of such policy in this country.


Author(s):  
Robert Ladrech

This chapter examines the ways in which the European Union and the political parties of member states interact and cause change. It considers various types of change, causal mechanisms, and the differences between parties and the EU in both older and newer member states. The chapter first provides an overview of the different partisan actors that operate in the multi-level system of domestic and EU politics before discussing the manner in which domestic political parties can be said to have ‘Europeanized’. It then shows how parties in older and newer member states differ and concludes with an assessment of the wider effects of Europeanization on domestic politics in general and party politics in particular. The chapter suggests that the EU’s influence, in both east and west, may be more significant in the long run in terms of its indirect impact on patterns of party competition.


Author(s):  
Karl Magnus Johansson ◽  
Tapio Raunio

Media often portrays European Union (EU) decision-making as a battleground for national governments that defend the interests of their member states. Yet even the most powerful individuals, such as the German chancellor, the French president, or the Commission president, are party politicians. At the same time the consistent empowerment of the European Parliament (EP) means that the party groups of European-level “Europarties”—political parties at European level—are in a key position to shape EU legislation. The Parliament has also become more directly involved in the appointment of the Commission, with the results of EP elections thus influencing the composition of the Commission. Examining the “partyness” of European integration, this article argues that scholarly understanding of the role of parties in the EU political system has taken great strides forward since the turn of the millennium. This applies especially to the EP party groups, with research focusing particularly on voting patterns in the plenary. This body of work has become considerably more sophisticated and detailed over the years; it shows that the main EP groups do achieve even surprisingly high levels of cohesion and that the left–right dimension is the primary axis of contestation in the chamber. It nonetheless also emphasizes the continuing relevance of national parties that control candidate selection in EP elections. Considering that most votes in the Parliament are based on cooperation between the two largest groups, the center-right European People’s Party (EPP) and the center-left Party of the European Socialists (PES), future research should analyze in more detail how these groups build compromises. Actual Europarties, however, remain relatively unexplored. Case studies of treaty reforms or particular policy sectors reveal how individual Europarties have often wielded decisive influence on key integration decisions or key appointments to EU institutions. The Europarty meetings held in conjunction with European Council summits are particularly important in this respect. The regular, day-to-day activities of Europarties deserve more attention, both regarding decision-making and vertical links between national parties and their Europarties. Overall, it is probably more accurate to characterize Europarties as networks of like-minded national parties or as loose federations of member parties, especially when compared with the often centralized and strongly disciplined parties found in the member states.


Author(s):  
Łukasz Paluch ◽  
Mariusz Dacko

The paper addresses the problem of energy sustainability of European Union countries in terms of renewable energy sources, energy consumption levels as well as energy dependency and energy intensity of the economy. The aim of the study was to identify and assess the key characteristics of the energy sector of EU members states between 2006 and 2016 using taxonomy, which is one of the basic tools in a multi-dimensional comparative analysis. The analysis revealed that, despite common challenges, different member states showed varied levels of the implementation of EU climate and energy targets. In terms of the approach to the production and consumption of primary energy, EU countries can be divided into two groups. In most Western European countries, energy production is mainly based on renewable sources. However, it only meets a small portion of the domestic economy’s needs. In contrast, Central Eastern European countries are characterized by greater concentration on aspects of self-sufficiency and security of own energy systems. In such countries, the share of renewable sources in overall energy generation is smaller.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 408-413
Author(s):  
Hristina Milcheva ◽  
Albena Andonova ◽  
Mariya Dimova

The influx of migrants to European countries, including the Republic of Bulgaria, is constantly increasing from regions experiencing military conflicts and countries that are economically undeveloped. At present, the Republic of Bulgaria is regarded by asylum seekers as a transit state on their route to the economically developed European countries. The people seeking asylum in the European Union have different sociocultural, ethnical, religious, and health cultures. These differences make their adaptation to their new environment difficult and the situation creates economic, social, and health problems for the accepting countries. The enforcement of uniform European standards and laws for social and health integration of migrants facilitates the process and protects the local people from infectious diseases and social-economic problems. The analysis of documents of the European Union, from international and Bulgarian organizations, shows policies have been developed to guarantee the rights of individuals, seeking protection. A major issue for the successful adaptation of migrants is their unwillingness to observe the laws and regulations of the countries where they settle.


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piet Moonen

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to address the key developments concerning innovation at universities at a macro level. It describes the key trends and changes in the governance of universities and the transformation of universities into organizational actors. This also affects the governance on academic research in the sense that it leads to a gradual evolution of the specific public science system in which research is being initiated and executed. Design/methodology/approach Cultural evolution involves social articulation and transmission of knowledge. What makes a culture distinctive is how it distributes interactions in the information-space. Findings The innovation policies of the European Union play a noticeable, but not yet dominant, role in the EU member states, at least not in the large member states. The wide gap between the North of Europe and the South and East of Europe in innovative performance is – despite the innovation policies of the European Union – still difficult to overcome. Originality/value The actual innovative performance of ten European countries has been evaluated. Northern European countries show a higher score on the Innovation Index, whereas countries in Southern Europe score relatively low. Can we relate this difference to cultural factors?


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