Money, Maturity, and Migrant Aspirations

Author(s):  
Cheryll Alipio

Since the state institutionalization of migrant labour began in the Philippines, countless children have been ‘left behind’ bereft of one, or even both, parents. Consequently, the moral evaluation of familial and financial responsibility has intensified. Drawing upon ethnographic fieldwork in the various institutions involved in the quotidian lives of young people, this chapter uses Cheryl Mattingly’s (2013) notion of the ‘moral laboratory’ at home and in school to explore lived engagements with money, morality, and mobility. In the reimagining and pursuit of future possibilities beyond a life of poverty and unemployment, this chapter contends that young people’s experimentation with money as a form of mobile or migrant aspiration reflects their strategic moral values and maturation.

Author(s):  
Mary L. Gray

This chapter explores the intersections between place and identity. The quote in the title is from the author’s ethnographic fieldwork in Kentucky, during which a politician indicated that no one identified as queer in his district because he represented a rural region of the state. This led the author to consider further the logic through which queer identity is associated with urban identity, and what that means for rural queer youth. She offers the concept of “boundary publics” to discuss the ways in which ephemeral experiences of belonging are created within more validated and recognized public spheres. She gives examples of how rural Kentucky queer young people, for example, create spaces for belonging within shared social networks and available public spaces, such as parks, churches, and Walmart.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 5-24
Author(s):  
Anna Bræmer Warburg ◽  
Steffen Jensen

This article explores the social and moral implications of Duterte's war on drugs in a poor, urban neighbourhood in Manila, the Philippines. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, surveys, and human rights interventions, the article sheds light on policing practices, social relations, and moral discourses by examining central perspectives of the state police implementing the drug war, of local policing actors engaging with informal policing structures, and of residents dealing with everyday insecurities. It argues that the drug war has produced a climate of ambiguous fear on the ground, which has reconfigured and destabilised social relations between residents and the state as well as among residents. Furthermore, this has led to a number of subordinate moral discourses — centred on social justice, family, and religion — with divergent perceptions on the drug war and the extent to which violence is deemed legitimate.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-158
Author(s):  
Cheryll Alipio

AbstractIn the labour brokerage state of systematic recruitment and export for the maximisation of labour, development, and profit, the Philippines continues to simultaneously fashion migrant workers as temporary, yet heroic and sacrificial. As the largest migrant-sending country in Southeast Asia and the third largest remittance recipient in Asia, the Philippines’ discourse of migrants as modern-day heroes and martyrs reveals the interplay of nationalist myths and cultural values, alongside the neoliberal favouring of finance and flexible labour, to craft filial migrants and celebrate mobile, capitalist subjects over migrants’ welfare and well-being. The article explores the contemporaneous institutionalisation of migrant labour and migrants’ institutionalised uncertainty lived every day to investigate how this profound precariousness in the Philippines is perpetuated historically to shape the resilience and realities of migrants and their left-behind children today. Drawing from news reports and films on migrant lives and ethnographic fieldwork in the Philippines, this article considers how the formation and deployment of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) turns from a focus on sustaining the nation to supporting migrant families and developing translocal communities. Through this examination, the paper seeks to uncover who profits and is indebted from the precarity created and sustained by the larger economic system built on transnational labour migration.


2021 ◽  
pp. 7-11
Author(s):  
Б.С. ДУИСЕМБАЕВА ◽  
М.Б. ТУРСЫНАЛИ ◽  
А.Т. ДУЙСЕМБАЕВА

Проведен анализ данных онлайн анкетирования во время ЧС положения в Казахстане. Выявлено, что проведенное нами анкетирование среди населения Казахстана находящихся во время ЧП дома (общая группа 152 человека) позволило сделать заключение о том, что режим ЧП в Казахстане повлиял на психоэмоциональное состояния населения. Больше подвержены к стрессу были женщины, чем мужчины. Это говорит, нам статистика опрошенных. Это связано тем, что дома оставались в большинстве случаях женщины. Молодежь остро реагируют на стресс, это можно объяснить тем, что у них мало жизненного опыта. Изменения привычного образа жизни, повлиял на все слои населения The analysis of the data of online questioning during the state of emergency in Kazakhstan was carried out. It was revealed that our questioning among the population of Kazakhstan who were at home during the state of emergency (total group of 152 people) allowed us to conclude that the state of emergency in Kazakhstan has affected the psycho-emotional state of the population. Women were more susceptible to stress than men. This is what the statistics of those interviewed tell us. This is due to the fact that in most cases women stayed at home. Young people react acutely to stress, it can be explained by the fact that they have little life experience. Changes in the habitual way of life, affected all segments of the population.


1970 ◽  
pp. 64-69
Author(s):  
Ikran Eum

In Egypt, the term ‘urfi2 in relation to marriage means literally “customary” marriage, something that has always existed in Egypt but nowadays tends mostly to be secretly practiced among young people. Traditionally, according to Abaza,3 ‘urfi marriage took place not only for practical purposes (such as enabling widows to remarry while keeping the state pension of their deceased husbands), but also as a way of matchmaking across classes (since men from the upper classes use ‘urfi marriage as a way of marrying a second wife from a lower social class). In this way a man could satisfy his sexual desires while retaining his honor by preserving his marriage to the first wife and his position in the community to which he belonged, and keeping his second marriage secret.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 83-88
Author(s):  
Davlatbek Qudratov ◽  

The article analyzes the state of schools and education in General during the Second World war. The slogan "Everything for the front, everything for victory!" defined the goal not only of all military mobilization activities of the Soviet state, but also became the center of all organizational, ideological, cultural and educational activities of the party and state bodies of Uzbekistan.


Author(s):  
Daria Kozlova

This article discusses the general characteristics of the electoral system of Kazakhstan by the example of elections of the President of the Republic, the Senate of the Parliament of Kazakhstan and deputies of the Mazhilis. The features of dividing this system into majority and proportional are also disclosed. The article analyzes the features of the appointment and conduct of elections and the principles on which they are based. It is also shown how the active activity of the state in the field of legal education of young people and their familiarization with the electoral system affects the high participation rates of citizens in elections.


Author(s):  
Emmanuel Garcia ◽  
Jamil Paolo Francisco ◽  
Christopher Ed Caboverde
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Katrina Burgess

This book examines state–migrant relations in four countries with a long history of migration, regime change, and democratic fragility: Turkey, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, and the Philippines. It uses these cases to develop an integrative theory of the interaction between “diaspora-making” by states and “state-making” by diasporas. Specifically, it tackles three questions: (1) Under what conditions and in what ways do states alter the boundaries of political membership to reach out to migrants and thereby “make” diasporas? (2) How do these migrants respond? (3) To what extent does their response, in turn, transform the state? Through historical case narratives and qualitative comparison, the book traces the feedback loops among migrant profiles, state strategies of diaspora-making, party transnationalization, and channels of migrant engagement in politics back home. The analysis reveals that most migrants follow the pathways established by the state and thereby act as “loyal” diasporas but with important deviations that push states to alter rules and institutions.


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