Camp Slaves on the Battlefield

Author(s):  
Kevin M. Levin

Confederates often wrote of loyal, hardworking, and brave slaves in their diaries and journals. The loyal slave narrative became a central part of the Lost Cause narrative. There are reports of camp slaves entering battle alongside their enslavers; however, having Black men on the battlefield challenged southern ideas of white masculinity and honor. Camp slaves were present on battlefields to transport the wounded and guard supplies, not to fight. Frederick Douglass stated that the south was enlisting Black men to pressure the Lincoln administration to recruit black men. His claims could have been rooted in his use of battlefield reports of armed black Confederates for propaganda purposes. Some free Black communities offered their services to stay in the good graces of whites but were not accepted into the Confederate army. Black people in New Orleans formed the Native Guard in an attempt to protect their property and social rank by demonstrating their loyalty to the Confederacy. Although the story of the Native Guard is often cited as evidence of loyal black soldiers, the unit was never considered a part of the Confederate army. As the war continued and the army became more desperate, serious consideration was given toward recruiting Black men.

Author(s):  
Kevin M. Levin

By the 1990s, photographs of uniformed black men as well as pension applications in which the distinction between slave and soldier was sometimes clouded were perceived as evidence that there were large numbers of Black Confederate soldiers. In the late 1970s, the Sons of Confederate Veterans, became more aggressive in their claims that Black men enlisted in the Confederate army as the general public sought accurate information regarding the history of slavery. This interest intensified during the civil rights era as historians and Black Americans pushed back against the Lost Cause narrative, specifically the belief that enslaved population was loyal to their enslavers. The belief that there were willing, Black soldiers in the confederacy spread with the advent of the internet, as many people did not know how to vet sources. Additionally, films and other media blurred the distinctions between camp slaves and soldiers. Ultimately, false narratives made their way into textbooks and even historical sights.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Teah Monique Hairston

Systemic racism has resulted in the disproportionate imprisonment of Black people. With Black men constituting a large percentage of incarcerated bodies, many Black women (44 [percent])--mothers, wives, sisters, etc.--will experience vicarious incarceration. This research examines the ways this population, as caretakers and supporters of their incarcerated loved, ones manage resilience in their daily lives as they navigate a racist, sexist society. Ten women were interviewed about their experiences with vicarious incarceration and reentry. I conclude that the women manage resiliency largely through the support of other Black women and community-family, who--in many instances--are also experiencing vicarious incarceration and/or other racial stress and trauma. Findings provide implications for the need for effective resources, more specifically, culturally-informed, culturally-relevant resources--to assist Black communities with healing from the effects of incarceration, and to prevent and intervene in the intergenerational cycles of criminal justice entanglement.


Author(s):  
Kevin M. Levin

Around 2,800 former camp slaves received pensions from former Confederate states. Although the total number was relatively small, these men remained a potent symbol within the Lost Cause narrative, shaping Southern memories of the war well into the twentieth century. The push to pension former camp slaves was mostly sustained by Confederate veterans and enslavers who had interacted extensively with camp slaves. These veterans often argued for pensions for loyal slaves who were now impoverished, illustrating that financial assistance relied on Black people complying with their position at the bottom of the racial hierarchy. Sumner Archibald Cunningham, who oversaw the publication of Confederate Veteran magazine from 1893 until his death in 1913, was perhaps the most important voice in the argument for camp slave pensions. People often point to the existence of pensions for the formerly enslaved as evidence of Black Confederate soldiers, however, no documentation regarding pensions acknowledges Black men as soldiers.


Author(s):  
Kevin M. Levin

In the post war years and into the early 20th century, former camp slaves began attending veteran reunions. For example, Steve Perry was a former camp slave who regularly spoke at United Confederate Veterans reunions. Former camp slaves often told embellished or fictional tales of their time during the war and perpetuated the loyal slave narrative. The loyal slave narrative accompanied the shift in the messaging of Lost Cause adherents from claiming slavery was beneficial for the Black race to the war was about states’ rights instead of slavery. Paintings, popular prints, and stories of camp slaves found in magazines, published reminiscences of former Confederate soldiers, promoted the narrative that Black and white southerners were united in their fight against the Union. Sometime former slaves played characters that reinforced the idea that Black people were contentedly deferential to whites. Overall, the genial reception of camp slaves at Confederate veteran reunions was not indicative of actual race relations in the post-war south.


Author(s):  
Joseph P. Reidy

The end of slavery reverberated through the North no less than the South. From the start of the war, black leaders in the free states had hoped to complete the uneven process of gradual emancipation that had been unfolding there since the Revolutionary War. They foresaw an end to the discriminatory laws and practices that compromised their citizenship and denied the elective franchise to most Northern black men. When the War Department began enlisting black soldiers, recruits soon encountered discrimination in the army and began to protest. Meanwhile, their families and other supporters at home leveraged the men's service to challenge all distinctions based on color, notably the practice of segregated streetcars in the cities. Several months before the war ended, black leaders resuscitated the antebellum national convention movement, and black communities across the North and in Union-occupied areas of the Confederacy selected delegates to participate in setting a national agenda for completing the abolition of slavery and extending all the rights of citizenship to black persons, North and South.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-311
Author(s):  
Colette Gaiter

In the post-Civil Rights late 1960s, the Black Panther Party (BPP) artist Emory Douglas created visual messages mirroring the US Western genre and gun culture of the time. For black people still struggling against severe oppression, Douglas’s work metaphorically armed them to defend against daily injustices. The BPP’s intrepid and carefully constructed images were compelling, but conversely, they motivated lawmakers and law enforcement officers to disrupt the organization aggressively. Decades after mainstream media vilified Douglas’s work, new generations celebrate its prescient activism and bold aesthetics. Using empathetic strategies of reflecting black communities back to themselves, Douglas visualized everyday superheroes. The gun-carrying avenger/cowboy hero archetype prevalent in Westerns did not transcend deeply embedded US racial stereotypes branding black people as inherently dangerous. Douglas helped the Panthers create visual mythology that merged fluidly with the ideas of Afrofuturism, which would develop years later as an expression of imagined liberated black futures.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 195-215
Author(s):  
Mirko Filipović ◽  
Sonja Žakula

Public perception and imagination tend to view natural disasters and catastrophes as phenomena that impact everyone equally. However, they do not occur in a historical, political, economic or social vacuum. Every phase and aspect of a disaster - its causes, vulnerability, preparedness, aftermath, response, reconstruction, the scope of the disaster and the price paid in the end are, to a lesser or greater extent, socially conditioned. Natural disasters actually replicate and amplify existing social inequalities and their effects. Such was also the case with hurricane Katrina. Black people, the poor, the elderly... remained in sunken New Orleans because their economic and social exclusion diminished their possibility to escape the disaster (the same way it diminished their opportunity to escape poverty). Had Katrina been a mere accident of geography and ecology, it would have been possible to peacefully await the resolution of its aftermath. However, because the inequalities which Katrina made apparent have deep socio-historical roots, it was illusory to expect that they would be repaired by the public policies on offer. Because of this, Katrina remains a powerful reminder to those advocating for a more just and democratic society.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daisy Massey ◽  
Jeremy Faust ◽  
Karen Dorsey ◽  
Yuan Lu ◽  
Harlan Krumholz

Background: Excess death for Black people compared with White people is a measure of health equity. We sought to determine the excess deaths under the age of 65 (<65) for Black people in the United States (US) over the most recent 20-year period. We also compared the excess deaths for Black people with a cause of death that is traditionally reported. Methods: We used the Multiple Cause of Death 1999-2019 dataset from the Center of Disease Control (CDC) WONDER to report age-adjusted mortality rates among non-Hispanic Black (Black) and non-Hispanic White (White) people and to calculate annual age-adjusted <65 excess deaths for Black people from 1999-2019. We measured the difference in mortality rates between Black and White people and the 20-year and 5-year trends using linear regression. We compared age-adjusted <65 excess deaths for Black people to the primary causes of death among <65 Black people in the US. Results: From 1999 to 2019, the age-adjusted mortality rate for Black men was 1,186 per 100,000 and for White men was 921 per 100,000, for a difference of 265 per 100,000. The age-adjusted mortality rate for Black women was 802 per 100,000 and for White women was 664 per 100,000, for a difference of 138 per 100,000. While the gap for men and women is less than it was in 1999, it has been increasing among men since 2014. These differences have led to many Black people dying before age 65. In 1999, there were 22,945 age-adjusted excess deaths among Black women <65 and in 2019 there were 14,444, deaths that would not have occurred had their risks been the same as those of White women. Among Black men, 38,882 age-adjusted excess <65 deaths occurred in 1999 and 25,850 in 2019. When compared to the top 5 causes of deaths among <65 Black people, death related to disparities would be the highest mortality rate among both <65 Black men and women. Comment: In the US, over the recent 20-year period, disparities in mortality rates resulted in between 61,827 excess deaths in 1999 and 40,294 excess deaths in 2019 among <65 Black people. The race-based disparity in the US was the leading cause of death among <65 Black people. Societal commitment and investment in eliminating disparities should be on par with those focused on other leading causes of death such as heart disease and cancer.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Bouke De Vries

Wearing black make-up to impersonate black individuals has become highly controversial in many countries, even when it is part of long-standing cultural traditions. Prominent examples of such traditions include Saint Nicolas celebrations in the Netherlands (which feature a black character known as “Black Pete” who hands out candy to children), Epiphany parades in Spain (which feature impersonations of the biblical king Balthasar who is traditionally portrayed as black) and the annual Zulu parade in New Orleans (which features impersonations of South African Zulu warriors). In this article, I challenge the widely held view that black make-up traditions are categorically wrong. Specifically, I argue that these traditions can be morally vindicated if (i) the large majority of individuals who help to maintain them do not believe that they denigrate black people; (ii) the relevant traditions do not depict black people in denigrating ways; and (iii) the relevant traditions are not gratuitously offensive. While the Dutch Saint Nicholas tradition fails to satisfy these conditions, the New Orleans Zulu tradition is found to satisfy them, as is the Spanish Epiphany tradition in certain cases. I end by identifying another set of conditions under which black make-up traditions might be morally justified.


2021 ◽  
Vol Publish Ahead of Print ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Clare Craig-Kuhn ◽  
Norine Schmidt ◽  
Glenis Scott ◽  
Gérard Gomes ◽  
Mom TatahMentan ◽  
...  

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