scholarly journals Russia, the Arctic and Northeast Asia: The Strategic Importance of the Far North

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 101-132
Author(s):  
Rafael Contreras Luna

Historically, the Arctic has been much more important to Russia than to other Arctic countries. In Soviet times, the development of the Arctic was of paramount importance and it was used by the Soviet government to legitimise its great power status to domestic and international audiences. It is argued in this paper that the administration of President Putin has re-established a narrative on Russia as an Arctic power. In this sense, Russia not only seeks to exploit natural resources and develop the Northern Sea Route, but to project status as it conceives of itself as a great power. This paper suggests that the Arctic is not only becoming more important for Russia itself but also for Northeast Asian countries, as China, Japan and South Korea require a stable regional environment and secure supply of natural resources, which are essential for their prosperity and stability. In this sense, diverse partnerships are being developed between Russian and Northeast Asian countries; this work analyses the key components of those partnerships and its potential benefits. The development of the Far North constitutes an essential component in Russia’s larger and long-term project to develop Asiatic Russia. It would be fallacious to examine Russia’s Arctic strategy only through the prism of the current confrontation between Russia and the West. Keywords: Russia, great power, Arctic, Far North, Northeast Asia, China, Japan, South Korea.

Author(s):  
Dr. Pham Ngoc Tram Et al.

In the 21st century, in addition to the growing population and the depletion of land-based mineral and energy resources, the development of coastal economic sectors has become a new global concern.  Therefore, all marine countries in the world consider the development and use of marine resources an essential part of their national development strategy. The marine economy gradually stimulates competition among nations. This article is based on the synthesis of documents to learn and analyze experiences of coastal development in some Northeast Asian countries in the context of the Industrial Revolution 4.0. From there, draw reference lessons for Vietnam.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shin-wha Lee

There are two opposing views regarding the prospects of establishing a regional environmental regime in Northeast Asia. The first view considers the environment as a dependent variable of progress towards regionalism and suggest that regional environmental cooperation is impeded by political rivalries, historical animosities and economic disparities among Northeast Asian countries. The opposing view treats the environment as an independent variable of sustainable regionalism. The premise of this view is that inter-state environmental cooperation can become a confidence building measure that will pave the way for improved regional relations. Regardless of which view proves in the end to be right, the high environmental interdependence of countries in Northeast Asia makes it imperative to create a framework to promote greater cooperation within the region. Given that the region lacks institutions for region-wide dialogue and cooperation, the formation of an effective regional environmental regime will be a long-term process. However, the process itself is pivotal as it can increase dialogue and exchanges from which a regional environmental regime can evolve, and hopefully, if given the political opportunity, will promote security and peace in the region.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miranda A. Schreurs

Women are under-represented in politics in Northeast Asian countries. Yet, in the environmental realm, women have assumed prominent political, bureaucratic, and NGO positions. This article examines some of the forms that women's participation in environmental protection has taken in Japan, Korea, and China and attempts to assesses the reasons why women are engaging more actively with environmental issues than they are with many other policy areas.


Author(s):  
Barry Buzan ◽  
Evelyn Goh

Bitterly contested memories of war, colonization and empire among Japan, China, and Korea have increasingly threatened regional order and security over the three decades since the 1980s. In Sino-Japanese relations, identity, territory, and power pull together in a particularly lethal direction, generating dangerous tensions in both geopolitical and memory rivalries. Buzan and Goh explore a new approach to dealing with this history problem, first, by constructing a more balanced and global view of their shared history, and second, by sketching out the possibilities for a great power bargain in Northeast Asia. The book first puts Northeast Asia’s history since 1840 into both a world historical and a systematic normative context, exposing the parochial nature of the history debate in relation to what is a bigger shared story. It then explores the conditions under which China and Japan have been able to reach strategic bargains in the course of their long historical relationship, and uses this to sketch out the main modes of agreement that might underpin a new contemporary great power bargain between them in four future scenarios for the region. The frameworks adopted here consciously blend historical contextualization; enduring concerns with wealth, power, and interest; and the complex relationship between Northeast Asian states’ evolving encounters with each other and with global international society.


Slavic Review ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuri Slezkine

In the mid-1920s the Soviet government singled out about 150,000 ; citizens for an administrative category designated the "small peoples of the north." These were the indigenous inhabitants of the Arctic and sub-Arctic zones of the Soviet Union who subsisted on hunting, fishing and reindeer herding and who were seen by bolshevik officials as the most backward peoples of the new republic, languishing in a pitiful and unacceptable state of "semi-savagery and outright savagery." As such, they needed to be understood as a peculiar phenomenon and governed differently from their more "cultured" countrymen.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Dukalskis

ABSTRACTThis article aims to understand the policies of three major Northeast Asian states toward the Rome Statute and the International Criminal Court (ICC) that it established. Using a unique measurement tool, it traces the interactions of South Korea, Japan, and China with the Court since negotiations on its formation in the late 1990s. Included in this analysis is a focus on how Northeast Asian states have responded to recent efforts to bring North Korea into the Court's orbit for that country's military actions in 2010 and its human rights record over several decades. Data is based on publicly available documents as well as interviews with diplomats, legislators, legal experts, and activists in Japan, South Korea, and China conducted in 2015.


2020 ◽  
pp. 30-36
Author(s):  
S. Podkovalnikov ◽  
L. Chudinova

The paper addresses the prospects for power grid formation in Northeast Asia in terms of carbon dioxide emissions. Carbon dioxide tax is implemented as a tool to quantitatively engage environmental issues in the study. A survey of the studies on the prospective NEA power grid has been done. The research employs a methodology and a mathematical model for the optimization of power system expansion and economic dispatching of power plants. Environmentally friendly scenarios of the NEA power grid were built and studied.


Significance The Arctic memorandum signals greater concern in the US defence community and Congress over rising great-power competition in the region. Russia has become more assertive militarily, while China is seeking greater presence, including in 2018 expressing interest in building airfields in Greenland. Impacts Trump’s scepticism about NATO will make coordinating with allies over the Arctic more difficult. China and the United States will both seek access to Arctic natural resources. Greater US focus on the Arctic could cause tensions with Canada over the Northwest Passage.


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