An Analysis on the Relationship between Sectarian Confessionalism and Weak State Capacity in Iraq

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
Yui-Hyun Hwang
Author(s):  
Karen A. Rasler ◽  
William R. Thompson

A central cleavage in the war making-state making literature is between advocates of the notion that warfare has been the principal path to developing stronger states and critics who argue that the relationship no longer holds, especially in non-European contexts. It is suggested that the problem is simply one of theoretical specification. Increasingly intensive warfare, as manifested in European combat, made states stronger. Less intensive warfare, particularly common after 1945, is less likely to do so. Empirical analysis of a more representative data set on state capacity (revenues as a proportion of gross domestic product [GDP]), focusing on cases since 1870, strongly supports this point of view. The intensiveness of war is not the only factor at work—regime type and win/loss outcomes matter as well—but the relationship does not appear to be constrained by the level of development.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-62
Author(s):  
Patricio N. Abinales

This article re-examines the relationship between military intervention on the one hand, and civilian supremacy over the military and the enduring popularity and potency of suffrage and legislative politics, on the other. It shows how these two enduring features of Philippine politics have proven to be quite effective deterrents in neutralizing extremist acts like the coup. As “performative acts,” they help stabilize the Philippine polity by providing an alternative outlet for mass resentment or protest and help to neutralize rival radical rebellions. These also enable a weak state to reform or rejuvenate after periods of profound political crisis, albeit only partially. The coup, however, is a poor rival:its history is far shorter and littered with failures. It has since ceased to be a weapon of choice by military actors who now prefer cacique democracy as the arena in which to pursue their interests. This was evident during the term of Pres. Fidel Ramos and while the military leadership did launch a de facto coup by withdrewing its support for Pres. Joseph Estrada, it immediately reverted to the proverbial backroom deals and patronage relations with its civilian superiors under Pres. Gloria Arroyo.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002200272096367
Author(s):  
Carl Müller-Crepon ◽  
Philipp Hunziker ◽  
Lars-Erik Cederman

Weak state capacity is one of the most important explanations of civil conflict. Yet, current conceptualizations of state capacity typically focus only on the state while ignoring the relational nature of armed conflict. We argue that opportunities for conflict arise where relational state capacity is low, that is, where the state has less control over its subjects than its potential challengers. This occurs in ethnic groups that are poorly accessible from the state capital, but are internally highly interconnected. To test this argument, we digitize detailed African road maps and convert them into a road atlas akin to Google Maps. We measure the accessibility and internal connectedness of groups via travel times obtained from this atlas and simulate road networks for an instrumental variable design. Our findings suggest that low relational state capacity increases the risk of armed conflict in Africa.


2016 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig S Maher ◽  
Judith I Stallmann ◽  
Steven C Deller ◽  
Sungho Park

To help policy makers manage expenditures during periods of economic downturns, most states have formal budget stabilization funds and unreserved fund balances. Using indices of tax and expenditure limitations laws restrictiveness, we examine the relationship between tax and expenditure limitations and state reserves for years 1992–2010 to help determine the extent to which tax and expenditure limitations constrain or in other ways affect how states manage fiscal reserves. This time period is particularly relevant because it includes two recessions and most states had budget stabilization funds and tax and expenditure limitations. Findings suggest that state-constructed tax and expenditure limitations have little effect on state capacity to react to fiscal shocks.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Franco Chuaire ◽  
Carlos Scartascini ◽  
Mariano Tommasi

Urban Studies ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 46 (12) ◽  
pp. 2577-2594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Fischer ◽  
Simon Guy

Regulations are highly influential in shaping urban places and architectural form. This paper investigates the impact of changing regulation on the working practices of architects. First, it outlines how the building regulations have grown in scope and complexity, especially with regard to energy regulations. Secondly, the relationship of regulation and design is explored, showing a shift from a dialectic of constraint and autonomy to one of interpretation of pathways. This is partly linked to performance-based regulation and weak state enforcement. Thirdly, the response of architects to this emerging mode of design is identified. The division of labour in the design process changes, with the architect focusing increasingly on intermediation. Finally, opportunities and threats to architects and their role are examined.


1999 ◽  
Vol 38 (4I) ◽  
pp. 489-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles H. Kennedy

The growth in size and significance of NGOs and particularly of Grameen Bank and the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) in Bangladesh challenges the idealtypical relationship between the state, donors and NGOs. Such an ideal envisions a clear demarcation of roles in which NGOs compete with other NGOs for resources from the state and/or donors and one in which NGO activities and programmes are regulated or held accountable by their respective funding sources. The emergence of large multitasking NGOs in a relatively small and weak state such as Bangladesh belies this ideal. Grameen and BRAC compete with government ministries for donor funding; statal institutions designed to regulate the activities of such NGOs are functionally ineffective; and international donors face insuperable hurdles in assessing accountability.


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