Gender Equality, Women’s Political Representation, and Maternal Mortality: Lessons from Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Halimatusa’diyah ◽  
Arif
Keyword(s):  
Maternal Mortality ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Representation

Oil, Islam, and Women

2008 ◽  
Vol 102 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL L. ROSS
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Resource Curse ◽  
Oil Production ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Islamic Culture ◽  
Work Patterns ◽  
Global Data

Women have made less progress toward gender equality in the Middle East than in any other region. Many observers claim this is due to the region's Islamic traditions. I suggest that oil, not Islam, is at fault; and that oil production also explains why women lag behind in many other countries. Oil production reduces the number of women in the labor force, which in turn reduces their political influence. As a result, oil-producing states are left with atypically strong patriarchal norms, laws, and political institutions. I support this argument with global data on oil production, female work patterns, and female political representation, and by comparing oil-rich Algeria to oil-poor Morocco and Tunisia. This argument has implications for the study of the Middle East, Islamic culture, and the resource curse.

scholarly journals Female street vendors’ (dis)engagement with politics in Rwanda – Orientalising women’s political participation

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-117
Author(s):  
Xia Nan JIN
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Visual Methods ◽  
Feminist Ethnography ◽  
Street Vendors ◽  
Political Decision Making ◽  
Women's Political Participation

Women’s political participation was initiated as an instrument for gender equality yet now is under research scrutiny. Due to gender quotas and other institutionalization of women’s political inclusion, Rwanda has the highest number of women in its parliament – 67%. But is women’s political participation a real tool for gender equality, or is it one that through the artificial guise of women’s political representation sets up an exclusive political space? Apart from women who work in political institutions, who else are participating in politics and how and where are they engaging with politics? Feminists should claim back this discussion, reject neoliberal approach to ‘empower’ women and propose a more distributive and collective agenda. As part of my PhD project regarding women’s (dis)engagement with politics in Rwanda, female vendors drew my attention during my fieldwork in Rwanda. In Rwanda, female vendors are among the groups who are the ‘furthest’ to participate and influence the political decision-making process, yet are heavily influenced by various political policies on a daily base. For example, the by-law forbidding street vendors was initiated in 2015 and further enforced in 2017 was designed to punish street vendors because they build “unfair competition for customers with legitimate businesses paying rent and taxes” . Consequently, many female vendors face a great deal of violence by local forces. Using feminist ethnography as the methodology, I choose visual methods to tell the stories of female vendors. That is, the photography project is designed to elicit stories of ‘what happened when’, and to encourage participants to ‘remember’ past events, and past dynamics on the street, as well as to express their own opinions and ideas. My task is to reconstruct the process of female street vendor’s engagement with politics and in doing so deconstruct the fake formal image of female political participation in Rwanda.

scholarly journals What Explains Low Female Political Representation? Evidence from Survey Experiments in Japan

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (02) ◽  
pp. 285-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rieko Kage ◽  
Frances M. Rosenbluth ◽  
Seiki Tanaka
Keyword(s):  
Gender Equality ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Family Roles ◽  
Family Obligations ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
Female Politicians ◽  
Constituency Service ◽  
Gendered Expectations

AbstractFew democratic countries have lower rates of female political representation than Japan, making it an excellent place to seek clues for female underrepresentation. We were surprised to find, based on three experimental surveys, that Japanese voters do not harbor particularly negative attitudes toward female politicians. The problem instead appears to be that women are reluctant to run for office because of socially mandated family roles. An implication of our study is that gender equality in political representation will likely founder in countries with electoral systems that require around-the-clock constituency service and legislative work, at least until citizens no longer have gendered expectations about time-consuming family obligations.

Abstract P187: Gender Equality and female-to-male Smoking Ratio: Trends in Spain Over the Last 50 Years (1960-2010)

Circulation ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 127 (suppl_12) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paula Beltran ◽  
Usama Bilal ◽  
Ana Navas-Acien ◽  
Esteve Fernández ◽  
Francisco Bolumar ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Secondary Education ◽  
Maternal Mortality ◽  
Labor Force ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Gender Inequality ◽  
Smoking Prevalence ◽  
Maternal Mortality Ratio ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Control Measures ◽  
Mortality Ratio

INTRODUCTION Gender empowerment has been associated with higher gender smoking ratio (GSR) and proved to be a strong predictor of the GSR. Our aim is to study how changes in gender equality may be associated with female-to-male smoking ratio trends in Spain over the last 50 years. HYPOTHESIS We hypothesize that greater gender equality will increase female-to-male gender smoking ratio. METHODS Values of the United Nations Development Programme’s Gender Inequality Index (GII) were calculated in 5-year intervals from 1960-2010, using data from the National Institute of Statistics. The GII ranges from 0-1 (1 meaning highest inequality) and contemplates 3 dimensions: reproductive health (measured by maternal mortality ratio and adolescent fertility rate), empowerment (share of parliamentary seats and % of each gender with at least secondary education), and female and male labor force participation rates. Female and male smoking prevalence and female-to-male smoking ratio were measured by retrospective reconstruction of National Health Surveys conducted in 2001, 2003, 2006, 2009 (n=20.426, n=21.358, n=29.478, n=22.188), attending to smoking initiation and cessation dates and birth cohorts. In order to test the association between the GII and GSR over the 5 decades we performed Pearson’s correlation. FINDINGS The GII decreased from 0.65 to 0.09 in Spain in the last 50 years. Higher women’s empowerment (parliamentary representation: from 0% to 36%; attainment of secondary education: from 5% to 63%), higher women’s participation in the labor force (from 19% to 68%), and lower maternal mortality ratio (from 45.36 to 4.11 deaths/100.000 live births), can account for most of the reduction in the GII. The smoking prevalence reconstruction reproduced the model of the epidemic in developed countries. Women born after 1951 had a smoking prevalence pattern similar to men’s, as opposed to women born prior to this date. GSR increased from 0.05 to 0.66, indicating that smoking prevalence of both genders converged in time. A gradient of the GSR by level of education was observed and women with higher education had equal smoking prevalence compared to men since 1990. The relation between the GII and GSR over time resulted inversely proportional (r=-0.99) with decreases in gender inequality relating to higher female-to-male smoking ratio. CONCLUSIONS We found a strong negative correlation between gender inequality and female-to-male smoking ratio. Gender equality has significantly improved in Spain over the last 50 years and this process has been accompanied of differential smoking prevalence patterns by genders, which eventually result in analogous female and male smoking prevalence. Gender sensitive tobacco control measures specifically targeted to women are necessary to prevent female smoking prevalence from rising, especially in the context of social transitions involving women’s development.

Engendering the Independence Debate

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meryl Kenny
Keyword(s):  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Sharp Contrast ◽  
Women's Voices ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Scottish Independence

Women's voices and issues of gender equality have been largely missing from wider constitutional debates in the run-up to the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. This stands in sharp contrast to their prominence in the devolution debates of the 1990s. This contribution asks why this is the case, assessing the gendered dimensions of the referendum debate, and evaluating the opportunities and challenges that the independence referendum offers for women and for gender equality, focusing in particular on women's political representation.

Marginalised minorities in conflict: women and Millennium Development Goals

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Hoesch ◽  
Alireza Saniei-Pour
Keyword(s):  
Gender Equality ◽  
Millennium Development Goals ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
Development Goals ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter explores the legal, political, economic and ideological problems not addressed in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) that undermine women's empowerment and gender equality in conflict states. The MDGs sought to reduce inequalities by promoting gender equality, empowering women and expanding the role of women in society. Yet women's universal rights have yet to be fully realised. This is evident in conflict and post conflict states, where women's standings have deteriorated. The chapter first considers the sociological and legal conception of women as minority before discussing women's position in conflict. In particular, it examines sexual violence as a tool of terror and the current situation with regards to political representation and representation in peace negotiations. It also comments on legal discrimination that is aggravating conflict and post-conflict situations and concludes with an assessment of the post-2015 framework based on the limitations and problems of the MDGs.

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