women's political participation
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2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-112
Author(s):  
Agata Włodkowska

The article is part of the discussion on women’s political participation, their involvement in social movements and protests which are concentrated on the power shift and democratisation of the political system. The text focuses on the case study of Belarusian women’s participation in anti-regime and pro-democracy protests following the rigged presidential election of 9 August 2020.The aim of the article is to answer questions about the reasons for women’s involvement in the 2020 protests in Belarus and the methods of action used by them. The article also analyses the differences and similarities between the women’s protests in Belarus and pro-democracy protests oriented towards power change in other countries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 187-212
Author(s):  
Alice J. Kang ◽  
Rachel S. Fisher

Chapter 8 examines the question of substantive representation in one of Africa’s newest democratizing countries, Burkina Faso. Kang and Fisher’s study uses parliamentary records as a primary source in the study of women’s political participation and substantive representation. Contrary to critical mass theories that posit women will actively participate in legislative debate only when the proportion of women reaches a critical mass, Kang and Fisher find that women speak at somewhat higher rates than men in Burkina Faso’s legislature. Moreover, while women do serve as substantive representatives by raising women’s concerns on the floor of the legislature, they also participate on a wider range of issues and are chosen to speak by their parties just as often as men.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Sara Niner ◽  
Deborah Cummins ◽  
Selver B. Sahin ◽  
Stella Mulder ◽  
Emily Morrison

Author(s):  
Erond Litno Damanik

The purpose of this study is to describe a recent comparison of women's political participation based on empirical evidence on the matrilineal and patrilineal orders in West and North Sumatra, respectively. This study was motivated by the low involvement of women in politics in the 2014 and 2019 general elections. The study offers specific insights into kinship order as political allegiance. This is a qualitative research carried out using a pragmatic methodological approach with academic discussions directed at the relationship between kinship and political participation. The results showed that the canonization of Islamic patriarchy in the matrilineal order impacts involution and exclusive women in the domestic arena. Meanwhile, the canonization of Christian patriarchy in the patrilineal order impacts devolution and inclusive women in politics. Therefore, based on this empirical evidence, it is concluded that the kinship system is not a relevant political allegiance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (07) ◽  
pp. 163-186
Author(s):  
Bushra Salman Hussain AL-OBAIDI

The protection of women's political participation is a fundamental issue for the advancement of women around the world and for the advancement of all mankind, according to what was stated in the Beijing Declaration. The international community believes that women are affected, just like any man, by the challenges facing humanity in the twenty-first century, whether with regard to development. Economic and social, or with regard to peace and security, but that women are often the most affected by these challenges and therefore must participate in decision-making processes in all areas with equal force and the same numbers. There is no policy more important than the political empowerment of women in preventing the outbreak of conflicts or in achieving reconciliation after the end of the conflict. With the increasing political participation of women, they still represent a small percentage in the higher and leadership ranks, which help in influencing the process of enacting laws and legislation in favor of women and their equality in society.In spite of Iraq’s commitment to international conventions that guarantee women's political rights, women have not formed an effective force in parliament or political parties and are still absent from leadership positions in the country in spite the emphasis on their participation, on an equal footing with men due to security, political, social and economic threats. Its Rise to the ranks of crimes, it is a serious obstacle to their political participation, criminal protection for women's political participation and its impact on their human rights. For women's political participation and its impact on their human rights. Research objectives/promote women's political participation by securing an effective criminal policy against threats to their political participation and activating the implementation of legal texts that criminalize these threats, as well as enacting penal texts to criminalize other acts that do not find criminal coverage for them within the legislation in force, which in turn will constitute protection for women in The scope of their exercise of their political rights, as well as deterring the perpetrators of these threats or those who are begging to commit them. The introductory plan/includes an introduction, and an investigation that deals with studying the nature of political participation of women and their criminal protection and definition, their characteristics and conditions, as well as the forms of crimes that are electoral crimes and their clarification of their position in the laws in force of what is covered by these laws, as well as an explanation of what are actually electoral crimes but need legislative cover. Then we conclude the research with our findings and recommendations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-54
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Kiplimo ◽  
Hellen Amunga

The most recent studies on women’s political participation demonstrate that women are consistently denied adequate space and a level playing field to participate in politics and governance, especially in many global south countries, unlike their male counterparts. These studies’ most dominant claim is that these contexts’ patriarchal cultural norms mainly limit women’s central involvement in such nations’ political processes. Based on this impediment system, it follows that these environments become more unpropitious, hostile, and insecure for women in politics, which opens up and perpetuates possibilities for all manner of harm to them. Because of such threats, several scholars, religious leaders, and women activists decry the underrepresentation of women in politics, which in their understanding, has contributed to prolonged systemic discrimination through a legacy of insufficient woman-centric legislation and policy interventions. There is a consensus-based claim among the majority of these actors that this kind of inadequacy continues unabated due to a siloed thinking that inhibits a joined-up approach in tackling such discrimination. This paper seeks to further explore this claim through a broad stroke integrated review of literature that deals with women’s political participation in Kenya, where the concept of traditional gender role beliefs provides a vital backdrop for conducting it. Based on this concept’s valuable terms of reference, it is concluded that women need to be accorded a more enabling environment to participate in politics and, in this way, ensure that their ascension to leadership positions in governance becomes tenable. It is anticipated that such an assumption will increase legislation, policy and other interventions geared towards safeguarding women’s general participation in politics. In light of such conclusion, it is proposed that groundswell support is needed to ensure that the creation of a conducive environment for women to be involved in politics is realized, and in this way, their disenfranchisement based on their limited participation in politics is tackled. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Azza Ahmed Abdel Aziz ◽  
Aroob Alfaki

This report presents elements of the development of Sudanese women’s political participation through time. It highlights several political routes from their early days until the contemporary era. The study is based on an analysis of secondary sources alongside empirical data derived from four states within Sudan, namely: Blue Nile, Central Darfur, Kassala and River Nile. Different themes are explored and they include: the meanings of political participation, women’s leadership roles, identifying structural limitations that hinder the participation of women in politics, possible avenues for women’s participation, the presence of women in politics, variations in religious interpretations and their impact on political participation, the status of the Sudanese constitution and the views of women and men on the extent that women might advance in the next elections. The report also address how the December revolution of 2018 might improve the situation for women’s political participation, since it marks a break from the earlier practices of the Islamist regime that had a severe negative impact on the freedoms of Sudanese women and their ability to engage in political activities. Political parties are considered gatekeepers for women’s access to political positions of power as they play an important role in institutionalizing women’s inclusion in politics. Ensuring that political parties in Sudan play an active role in the advancement of gender equality and the enhancement of women’s political participation is particularly important as Sudan prepares for its transition to democracy.


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