scholarly journals IMPLEMENTING THE RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT IN LIBYA

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-152
Author(s):  
Ciprian Buzatu
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
International Community ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Xxth Century ◽  
Humanitarian Crises ◽  
The World ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Atrocity Crimes ◽  
Imminent Risk

The last decade of the XXth century was marked by three major humanitarian crises, in Rwanda, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo. The international community adopted different approaches to these situations, but they all had in common a sense of failure. Today, we see that such catastrophic situations continue to exist in places like Yemen or Syria, where civlian populations face atrocity crimes. These are just two examples of ongoing humanitarian crises and we have to keep in mind to there is an imminent risk for the escalation of disastrous conflicts in countries such as Ethiopia or Myanmar. By 2005, the United Nations adopted a comprehensive tool for avoiding and approaching situations where the lives of civilians are in peril, namely, the responsibility to protect. The analysis of its use in Libya, having NATO as a main actor, will reveal the reasons this tool is not as effective as the world hoped in the moment of its creation, and, hopefully, will contribute to an enhanced understanding of the responsibility to protect.

The Development of the United Nations Law Concerning Peace-Keeping Operations

1992 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-281
Author(s):  
Robert Siekmann
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Central America ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
New Thinking ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Cold War

Especially as a consequence of the termination of the Cold War, the détente in the relations between East en West (Gorbachev's ‘new thinking’ in foreign policy matters) and, finally, the disappearance of the Soviet Union, the number of UN peace-keeping operations substantially increased in recent years. One could even speak of a ‘proliferation’. Until 1988 the number of operations was twelve (seven peace-keeping forces: UNEF ‘I’ and ‘II’, ONUC, UNHCYP, UNSF (West New Guinea), UNDOF AND UNIFIL; and five military observer missions: UNTSO, UNMOGIP, UNOGIL, UNYOM and UNIPOM). Now, three forces and seven observer missions can be added. The forces are MINURSO (West Sahara), UNTAC (Cambodia) and UNPROFOR (Yugoslavia); the observer groups: UNGOMAP (Afghanistan/Pakistan), UNIIMOG (Iran/Iraq), UNAVEM ‘I’ and ‘II’ (Angola), ONUCA (Central America), UNIKOM (Iraq/Kuwait) and ONUSAL (El Salvador). UNTAG (Namibia), which was established in 1978, could not become operational until 1989 as a result of the new political circumstances in the world. So, a total of twenty-three operations have been undertaken, of which almost fifty percent was established in the last five years, whereas the other half was the result of decisions taken by the United Nations in the preceding forty years (UNTSO dates back to 1949). In the meantime, some ‘classic’ operations are being continued (UNTSO, UNMOGIP, UNFICYP, UNDOF, and UNIFIL), whereas some ‘modern’ operations already have been terminated as planned (UNTAG, UNGOMAP, UNIIMOG, UNAVEM ‘I’ and ‘II’, and ONUCA). At the moment (July 1992) eleven operations are in action – the greatest number in the UN history ever.

scholarly journals 1990, International Literacy Year

1970 ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Member States ◽  
International Literacy ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Year 2000

The moment the United Nations declared 1990 as International Literacy Year, the international literacy movement began to consider how the year could strenghten the movement in every corner of the world. The U.N. plan of action is to "help member states in all regions to eradicate illiteracy by the year 2000".

scholarly journals The Responsibility to Protect in a world of already existing intervention

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 1080-1102
Author(s):  
Robin Dunford ◽  
Michael Neu
Keyword(s):  
Recent Literature ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
International Community ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Humanitarian Crises ◽  
Structural Prevention ◽  
The Face

In the face of humanitarian crises, members of the international community are often presented with a choice: engage in forms of action, including military intervention, or stand by and watch. This framing ignores practices of intervention that are already taking place and contributing to the emergence and perpetuation of humanitarian crises. Despite calling for more attention to be paid to already existing intervention, literature on the Responsibility to Protect has not adequately understood its implications for the legitimacy and likely effectiveness of military intervention. To redress this gap, we argue, first, that a focus on already existing intervention complicates the moral calculus on which defences of military intervention as part of the Responsibility to Protect are based. Second, we claim that actors already engaged in damaging practices of intervention are bad international citizens who are not fit for the purpose of humanitarian military intervention. Third, we argue that in both ignoring already existing intervention and calling for additional military intervention under its third pillar, the Responsibility to Protect legitimises a moralistic form of militarism. These three arguments show that it is a mistake to follow recent literature in responding to already existing intervention by simply adding to the Responsibility to Protect, for instance, duties to engage in structural prevention and to support refugees. Rather, what is needed is a more fundamental rethink that departs from the Responsibility to Protect.

Humanitarian Assistance: towards a right of access to victims of natural disasters

1998 ◽  
Vol 38 (325) ◽  
pp. 589-609 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rohan J. Hardcastle ◽  
Adrian T. L. Chua
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
International Community ◽  
Humanitarian Assistance ◽  
International Federation ◽  
Food Aid ◽  
Red Cross ◽  
World Food ◽  
World Food Programme ◽  
The World ◽  
Right Of Access

If recent estimates are to be believed, more than two million people may have died in the famine that engulfed North Korea in 1997 and 1998. In 1997, the United Nations estimated that 4.7 million North Koreans were in danger of starvation. In response, the international community pledged food aid. The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies presented an expanded appeal for aid in June 1997. In January 1998, the World Food Programme (WFP) launched its biggest appeal, setting a target of 380 million US dollars in food aid, nearly double the amount requested for 1997. Yet, the international community has met resistance in attempting to assist North Koreans suffering from malnutrition and facing starvation.

scholarly journals Orient-Occident : Origines mythiques d’un couple réel

2005 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 505-523
Author(s):  
Thierry Hentsch
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
International Society ◽  
International Community ◽  
Pressure Groups ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
New Feature ◽  
World Organization ◽  
Multilateral Diplomacy

What the United Nations brought to the International Community during its forty years of life cannot be assessed only by referring to the working of the institution and the success or failures it encountered in dealing with specific questions or crises. The profound and lasting changes in the International Community itself in which it contributed in bringing about must also be taken into consideration. Undoubtedly, the most considerable of these changes, a mutation, in the real sense of the word, was the passage from an international society centered around Europe and North-America in 1945, to a truly world society in 1985, through the process of decolonisation. The United Nations decisively contributed to the spreading of the ideology of decolonisation, to the enactment of an international law of decolonisation and to the use of multilateral diplomacy against colonial powers. Eventually, admission to the United Nations became the visible sign as well as the final step of the attainment of political independence. Another remarkable new feature of the international society of today, closely related to the preceding one, is the importance of groups of states, like the Seventy Seven and the Non Aligned, acting as pressure groups. This new setting was made possible only with the existence of the United Nations, where "group diplomacy" was able to deploy itself and to make the "power of the number" felt. Eventually, the whole present diplomatic game, which is played at the level of the world rather than on a bilateral or regional basis in an always growing number of fields, is a product of development of multilateral diplomacy within the United Nations. It is specially true of the so-called North-South dialogue - or confrontation. The World Organization is now an irreversible fact of international life and a reflection of the present structure of the International Society that it helped to build up. But on the other hand, it is a very novel experiment in a historical perspective. Much is y et to be learned in order to be able to make the best use of the instruments it affords for managing the world community.

Apartheid and the International Community

1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-24
Author(s):  
E. S. Reddy
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
United Nations ◽  
International Community ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Racial Policy

Rarely has the policy of an individual government attracted as wide attention throughout the world as the racial policy of South Africa. It has been discussed in several organs of the United Nations, in specialized agencies of the United Nations, and in several other international and regional intergovernmental organizations; in the Parliament of many countries; and in numerous non-governmental organizations. A number of countries have broken diplomatic, consular and trade relations with South Africa or refrained from establishing such relations. Actions protesting apartheid have involved hundreds of thousands of people outside Africa. The publications and documents on apartheid fill a good-sized library.

Why ‘Never Again’ and R2P Did Not Work in Myanmar

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Ivan Šimonović
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Personal Experience ◽  
International Community ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
The Future ◽  
Atrocity Crimes

Abstract This intervention discusses the reasons why the international community failed to prevent atrocity crimes against the Rohingyas in Myanmar. It draws on the author’s personal experience as UN Assistant Secretary-General for Human Rights from 2010 to 2016 and Special Adviser of the Secretary-General on the Responsibility to Protect from 2016 to 2018. It lays out five major ingredients of the failure to prevent atrocities in Myanmar and identifies three key lessons that must be learned to avoid continued failures into the future.

The Adolescent: R2P at Fifteen

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 381-383
Author(s):  
Edward C. Luck
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
World Summit ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations

Abstract This contribution by the United Nations’ first Special Adviser for the Responsibility to Protect reflects on where R2P has been and where it is going fifteen years after it was approved at the World Summit of 2005.

scholarly journals PRINSIP RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT (R2P) DALAM KONFLIK ISRAEL- PALESTINA: BAGAIMANA SIKAP INDONESIA?

Arena Hukum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 314-327
Author(s):  
Setyo Widagdo ◽  
Rika Kurniaty
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
International Community ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
Humanitarian Crisis ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The Gaza Strip

This article aims to discuss the Principles of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) that may be applied to the conflict in the Gaza Strip between Israel and Palestine. This normative legal research using a conceptual approach and a case approach indicates that the humanitarian crisis resulting from the conflict needs to be the focus of the international community, and the R2P principle may be applied as an alternative solution. Although the R2P principle is not a legal formulation, R2P plays an important role. It is recognized as an emerging norm or an obligation with a legal significance. R2P has been agreed upon and accepted by most countries globally that are members of the United Nations through UN General Assembly Resolutions. R2P assigns responsibility to the international community to help parties protect populations from the crime of genocide. Ultimately, R2P is expected to encourage states to fulfill their legal responsibilities and obligations, help build capacity to protect populations, and provide assistance to states in emergencies.

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