A Woman's Place Is in the (Greasepaint) White House: How the 2016 Presidential Election Sparked a Creepy Clown Craze

2021 ◽  
Vol 134 (531) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Gordon
2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-42
Author(s):  
Pankaj Sinha

The paper categorizes factors responsible for forecasting the outcome of U.S. presidential election 2016 using factor analysis, which groups the various economic and non-economic parameters based on the correlation among them. The major economic factor significant in 2016 US presidential election is the growth of the economy, and the ‘anti-incumbency factor that signifies how long the incumbent party has been controlling the White House is found to be an important non-economic factor likely to play a dominant role in the election. The dependent variables considered are the vote shares of the nominees of the incumbent and the non-incumbent majority party candidates. The forecast is calculated by running a regression of the significant factors, obtained through factor analysis technique, on the incumbent party vote share as well as on the non-incumbent party vote share. The proposed models forecast the vote share of Democrat candidate Mrs. Hillary Clinton to be 45.59% with a standard error of ±2.32% and that of Republican candidate Mr. Donald Trump to be 39.51% with a standard error of ±3.87%. Hence, the models built in the paper signal a comfortable margin of victory for the Presidential nominee of the incumbent party, Hillary Clinton.The study re-establishes the notion that the non-economic factors have a greater influence on the outcomes of election as compared to the economic factors, as some of the important economic factors such as inflation and unemployment rate failed to establish their significance. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-74
Author(s):  
Charles Prysby

Young voters contributed disproportionately to Barack Obama’s presidential victory in 2012. In fact, if the electorate had been limited to those over 30 years old, Mitt Romney might be in the White House today. Obama captured 60 percent of the vote of those under 30, compared to 49 percent of those over 30, according to the national exit polls (Schier and Box- Steffensmeier 2013, 86). A similar pattern characterized the 2008 presidential election: Obama won 66 percent of the vote among those aged 29 or less, but under one-half of voters older than 45 (Pomper 2010, 53). The tendency for younger voters to be disproportionately Democratic emerged in the 2004 presidential election. Prior to that, Democratic presidential candidates did not consistently do better among younger voters. In 2000, for example, Al Gore did as well among older voters as he did among younger voters, and in 1992, Bill Clinton did his best among older voters, as did Walter Mondale in 1984 and Michael Dukakis in 1988 (Pomper 2001, 138; Pomper 1989, 133). 


Author(s):  
Timothy W. Kneeland

This chapter examines how Richard Nixon mixed politics and policy in his response to Hurricane Agnes. To aid in winning his reelection bid in 1972, Nixon was determined to play politics with disaster relief legislation, mainly as it applied to New York and Pennsylvania. In order to gain Nixon as many votes as possible from the disaster, the Nixon White House wrote, and Congress enacted, the most generous disaster aid package in American history to that time: the Agnes Recovery Act of 1972. The relationship between disasters and elections has generated a body of research that shows a strong correlation between when and where presidents issue a disaster declaration. Disaster declarations are more frequent in highly competitive swing states during presidential election years, and presidents favor those states that may benefit them or their party in the election, as Nixon did in response to Hurricane Agnes.


1990 ◽  
Vol 95 (3) ◽  
pp. 941
Author(s):  
Maureen A. Flanagan ◽  
Edmund F. Kallina

2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 162-171
Author(s):  
Felice S. Shore ◽  
Linda L. Cooper

The 2008 presidential election is a great backdrop for analyzing graphs, learning about population distributions, and studying the effect on the electoral voting process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margalida Pizarro-Sirera

In the US presidential election of 2016, Donald Trump’s connection with his voters marked the history of American politics by electing a political outsider to the White House. Under a feminist scope, this article examines Donald Trump’s Twitter account. The central purpose of this article is threefold: first, to scrutinize Trump’s tweeting activity and his dissemination of hegemonic toxic masculinity through this platform; second, to assess the unfavourable representation of Hillary Clinton’s decentred femininity and third, to examine how Trump’s performative toxic masculinity immediately connected with his voters’ cultural capital via Twitter. Finally, through an analysis of the impact of Trump’s tweets on his followers, the findings from this study will highlight that Clinton’s decentred gender performativity and Trump’s shared capital with his voters may well have been a fundamental tenet of Donald Trump’s victory.


2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 431-431
Author(s):  
Christopher S. Parker ◽  
Mark Q. Sawyer ◽  
Christopher Towler

An editorial error was made in the article, “A Black Man in the White House?: The Role of Racism and Patriotism in the 2008 Presidential Election” (Vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 193–217).


Significance President Donald Trump nominated Gorsuch to fill the Supreme Court seat left vacant by Justice Antonin Scalia’s death last year. Congressional Republicans blocked former President Barack Obama’s nominee to fill the vacancy, Judge Merrick Garland, enabling Trump to name a conservative justice to set the balance of the Court after winning the presidential election. At least one Democratic senator has threatened to block Gorsuch’s appointment via upper house procedure. Impacts Future Democratic presidential candidates from the current Senate may suffer in primaries if they allow Gorsuch’s appointment. Gorsuch will help the White House and Congress severely cut back federal regulatory powers. Congressional Republicans are more likely to defy Trump on personnel and policy as his personal influence wanes ahead of the 2020 elections.


Subject Prospects for US politics in 2020. Significance US politics next year will be dominated by campaigning for the November 3 presidential election as well as ballots for the Senate and House of Representatives, and then by responses to the outcomes. The Republicans want to retain control of the White House, and current President Donald Trump will also want them to retain the Senate given the likelihood of impeachment by the Democratic-led House of Representatives. The Democrats want at the very least to keep control of the House.


2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (10) ◽  
pp. 1606-1630 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen M. Doherty ◽  
David E. Lewis ◽  
Scott Limbocker

Career executives often occupy administrative positions that determine the pace and content of policy, such as those responsible for developing regulations. Yet, presidential administrations need control over these positions to achieve policy aims. This article considers the extent to which new presidential administrations marginalize career executives in key regulatory positions by transferring responsibilities to another individual and whether the mere expectation of political conflict with a new administration drives career regulators from their positions. Using unique new data on 866 career regulators that led major rulemaking efforts between 1995 and 2013, we demonstrate that turnover among career executives in key regulatory positions increases following a party change in the White House. Turnover also increases during a presidential election year, but this effect is conditioned by bureaucrats’ expectations of the election outcome. Finally, career executives are more likely to depart in response to favorable labor market conditions. Given our findings that turnover in regulatory responsibilities is driven both by presidential marginalization and strategic exit by bureaucrats, we conclude with implications for presidential efforts to control the administrative state.


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