Kant on the Frontier

Author(s):  
Geoffrey Bennington

Frontier: the border between two countries; the limits of civilization; the bounds of established knowledge; a new field of activity. At a time when all frontiers (borders, boundaries, margins, limits) are being—often violently—challenged, erased or reinforced, it might be a matter of urgency to take up and rethink the very concept of frontier itself. But is there even such a concept, to be found or constructed? That is what this book begins to cast into doubt, on the basis of a reading of Kant, for whom the frontier turns out to be both the very element of his thought and the permanent frustration of his conceptuality. Following what Kant himself would call this “guiding thread,” first in the “political” writings and then in the still little-read “Critique of teleological judgment,” I try to bring out a complex, abyssal, fractal structure, which always leaves a residue of nature—violence—in every frontier (including conceptual frontiers), and which complicates Kant’s most explicit, most rational arguments (which always tend towards cosmopolitanism and so-called perpetual peace) by adding to them an element of reticence or interruption. As it turns out that there can be perpetual peace only in death, we must interrupt the teleological movement that always might take us there, we must maintain some frontiers (and therefore a certain violence) in the very place where everything led us to believe that we should hope for their pacific disappearance, if only in the infinite perspective of the Idea of Reason. Neither critique of Kant nor return to Kant, this book also proposes a new reflection on philosophical reading, for which thinking the frontier is both an essential resource and the recurrent, fruitful, interruption.

1996 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-446
Author(s):  
Gérard Raulet

In the present social and political context, there is an urgent need to reexamine attentively the theories that have founded the modern conception of citizenship and, in particular, to scrutinize the relation they have established between otherness and modern national identity. I intend to do this by resorting to Kant's writings on the philosophy of history, and particularly his political Project for a Perpetual Peace, in which he attempts to come to grips with the consequences of the breakdown of the ancien régime and of the pre-modern conception of the nation in order to outline the modern principles governing the three levels of right: of the Rechtsstaat (a state based on the rule of law); of the Völkerrecht (the people's right); and of the so-called Weltbürgerrecht (the “cosmopolitical right”). The decisive and perhaps disturbing idea that has to be demonstrated is that, in Kant's modern political thought, there is no contradiction between nationalism and cosmopolitism. Any interpretation of his thought that neglects this point would lead to a misunderstanding of Kant's philosophical revolution and fall back into the political as well as the metaphysical ancien régime. We have to show: (1) that Kant's critique of Reason aims to establish a legislation in the sphere of knowledge itself and that it must therefore accomplish in this sphere a “revolution” that distinguishes - in opposition to metaphysical universalism - different territories with their own constitution and legislation; (2) that the relation between this theoretical “revolution” and the political one is not only a metaphor, and that Kant's rejection of the political ancien régime cannot be correctly understood if it is not related to the theoretical model of the legitimacy of the different territories of Reason.


2017 ◽  
Vol 111 (4) ◽  
pp. 819-834 ◽  
Author(s):  
INÉS VALDEZ

This article offers a new interpretation of Kant's cosmopolitanism and his anti-colonialism inToward Perpetual Peace. Kant's changing position has been the subject of extensive debates that have, however, not recognized the central place of colonialism in the political, economic, and military debates in Europe in Kant's writings. Based on historical evidence not previously considered alongsidePerpetual Peace, I suggest that Kant's leading concern at the time of writing is the negative effect of European expansionism and intra-European rivalry over colonial possessions on the possibility of peace in Europe. Because of the lack of affinity between colonial conflict and his philosophy of history, Kant must adjust his concept of antagonism to distinguish between war between particular dyads, in particular spaces, and with particular non-state actors. I examine the implications of this argument for Kant's system of Right and conclude that his anti-colonialism co-exists with hierarchical views of race.


1919 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 242-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quincy Wright

The framers of the American Constitution did not anticipate or desire the conclusion of many treaties. For this reason they made the process of treaty conclusion difficult, requiring that the President act only with the advice and consent of two-thirds of the Senators present, some even wishing to require adhesion of the House of Representatives or a two-thirds majority of the entire Senate.This hope, however, has scarcely been realized. With a total of 595 treaties from its foundation to August, 1914, the United States has averaged more than four a year, and for the twentieth century fifteen a year, or a treaty ratified every three weeks. Along with the steady increase in the number of treaties concluded a year, there has been a change in their usual character. Jefferson’s warning against “entangling alliances” might be interpreted as a warning against treaties, for at that time the faithful observance of treaties commonly amounted to passive if not active alliance. Aside from definite guarantees of offensive or defensive alliance, the pious hope of “perpetual peace and amity” between the contractuaries, special privileges in war and neutrality, reciprocal favors in commerce and navigation, the termination of war, transfer of territory, fixation of boundaries, and recognition of status were the common subjects of treaty stipulation. The provisions were of a character indicating the competitive nature of international society. By mutually enjoying special privileges, the contracting states hoped to improve their political position with respect to other states of the world. Thus the carrying out of treaty provisions was ordinarily a matter for the political organs of government.


1979 ◽  
Vol 19 (213) ◽  
pp. 283-300
Author(s):  
G.I.A.D. Draper

Writers have expressed the view that man's interest in projects for establishing perpetual peace is as old as man's participation in warfare. We cannot be certain that Europe can be considered the cradle of such projects for peace, although the Greek city states certainly elaborated a complex system of treaty relationships between themselves to that end. Europe was not to see a like network of sophisticated treaty relationships until the 19th century. Supporting these elaborate treaty networks was the fact that the Greeks enjoyed a common religious-legal and linguistic substratum which tended to mitigate the harshness of the intense intercity rivalries and enmities. The Greeks, as in so many other excursions in thought, were the architects of the modern array of different kinds of political treaties, e.g., of alliance, confederation, federation and, from the 4th century B.C., peace treaties of unlimited duration. In particular, religious leagues were established for the common defence of a shared and sacred shrine. Such were the Amphictyonys of the 5th century B.C. The religious bond between the cities parties to such compacts extended into the political sphere so that the city states bound thereby became confederated by the terms of the amphictyony, as was the case of the confederate association for the protection of the great shrine at Delphi.


2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 26-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Bennington

It is argued that Kant’s claimed reconciliation of politics and ethics in the Appendix to ‘Perpetual Peace’ founders on an irreducible element of secrecy that no amount of ‘publicity’ could ever dissipate. This shows up figuratively in images of veiling, and more especially in the paradoxical ‘very transparent veil’ associated with British politics in a footnote to ‘The Contest of Faculties’. This figure suggests that the structure of the ‘public’ itself involves a kind of transcendental secrecy that cannot be ‘publicly’ overcome, and that public space therefore cannot become fully visible to itself. This structural problem, it is claimed, prevents Kant from securing his proposed distinctions between the ‘moral politician’ and the ‘political moralist’, and between ‘political prudence’ or expediency and ‘political wisdom’. A similar problem reappears in the supplementary ‘Secret Article’ that Kant includes in the second edition of ‘Perpetual Peace’, which specifies, ‘secretly’, that heads of state should take secret counsel from the open and public discussions of philosophers. In giving away this secret, even as he declares it to be a secret, Kant essentially repeats the gesture of revealing the violent origin of the state, shown in the ‘ Rechtslehre’ to be illegal, and in so doing condemns the philosopher at best to a kind of exile with respect to political time and space, a marginal place that is here aligned with the place of ‘ ius aequivocum’ addressed in the Appendix to the Introduction to the ‘ Rechtslehre’, where appeals to equity on the one hand and the right of necessity on the other are described as being inaudible in the system of public right. It is suggested that these marginal and equivocal places all show up an internal frontier in the transcendental account of public space, and that this frontier zone, the very place of politics, sets a limit to the prospects of Enlightenment itself. In conclusion, it is proposed that thinking through these problems would require less a turn toward ethics than a rereading of the concept of nature, on the basis of its Heraclitean penchant for hiding or veiling itself.


Author(s):  
Isaac Nakhimovsky

This introductory chapter first sets out the book's focus, namely Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762–1814), whose investigation of the idea of perpetual peace culminated in his Der geschlossene Handelsstaat, or The Closed Commercial State (1800). Fichte was a sometime disciple and self-appointed successor of Kant, and is widely regarded as a major philosopher in his own right, but much of his political thought has yet to receive the sustained attention it deserves. His Closed Commercial State was a pivotal development of Kant's model of perpetual peace. This book shows how Fichte redefined the political economy of the Kantian ideal and extended it into a strategic analysis of the prospects for pacifying modern Europe. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-355
Author(s):  
ADAM LEBOVITZ

Basic questions about Kant's international theory remain unresolved, in part because the ambiguous language and sketchy blueprints given inPerpetual Peacelend themselves to a wide variety of interpretations. This essay proposes a novel solution for this difficulty: a careful reconsideration of the political concepts embedded in Kant's first philosophy. In the First Critique, the “Conflict of the Faculties,” and in particular his neglected essay “Perpetual Peace in Philosophy,” Kant repeatedly draws on the language of sovereignty, war, and international law, in order to describe how the critical philosophy will bring peace to what he terms the “battlefield of metaphysics.” The most striking feature of this program for “perpetual peace in philosophy” is that it does not end disagreement over ideas, but rather prevents it from becoming pathological by subjecting it to the “discipline” of critical reason. And I argue that Kant's proposal for global peace is precisely parallel: a sovereign world court that arbitrates decisively between states, while otherwise leaving them free to clash, compete, and disagree.


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