scholarly journals Administrativno–pravno uređenje rudarskog distrikta sjeverozapadne Bosne u III stoljeću / The administrative and legal regulation of the mining district of northwestern Bosnia in the 3rd century

Author(s):  
Dženefa Merdanić Šahinović

Research of the Ancient mining, throughout the Roman Empire, indicates that the evolutionary development of local, metallurgical, and mining plants is directly related to changes of the imperial administration. During the second century, the mines belonged to the state that leased them to a private mine lessee, conductor. As the same conductor appears in the northwestern areas of Bosnia and Mursa, Noricum, as a leaseholder of Pannonian iron mines, we can assume that this mining area was the administrative property of the province of Pannonia. There are fifteen epigraphic monuments from the third century, which provide a basis for understanding the administrative-legal arrangement of the mining district of north-west Bosnia. Almost all monuments have been erected in honor of Oriental deities, with the exception of two monuments referred to Sedatus, a Pannonian deity. The most represented deity is Terra Mater, whose dedications  make half of the total number of these epigraphic sources. Terra Mater, or Mother Earth, basically is not a mining deity, but in this context, its interpretation as such is not a mistake. The aforementioned monuments have been erected by an administrative-legal apparatus operating in this district, in the form of a fiduciary (procurator Augusti), a bailiff (vilicus), or an association of collegium and corpus. Although the administrative apparatus was much more layered and had a functional hierarchical system, these are the only titles and functions that occur in the Northwestern Mining District, within their variations. The strength of administrative power, in the said territory, was best manifested in the third century, but there is numismatic evidence for the mining process in the first century.

1971 ◽  
Vol 61 ◽  
pp. 178-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harald von Petrikovits

Roman methods of fortification in the north-western portions of the Empire change significantly during the second half of the third century, the difference from the Principate being more apparent in military building than in civil. We may accept the universal view that these changes were due to increasing insecurity in Dacia, on the Rhine and Danube frontiers, and along the coast. From its beginnings in the first half of the century, the threat to the north-west by Germans and tribes from the steppes reached such a pitch in and after the 250's that it seriously endangered Roman rule in Europe. The Goths broke through the Danube frontier into Moesia several times from 238 onwards, and Roman morale was gravely affected when they killed Decius and his son in the disastrous battle of Abrittus (251). The northern barbarians fell upon towns in Greece and Asia Minor, and plundered them; only in the years following 268 did some emperors succeed in mastering the danger.


1936 ◽  
Vol 8 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 419-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Burrow

The “North-Western Prakrit” as Konow has called it is represented by the following documents.(1) The two versions of Aśoka's edicts preserved at Mansehra’ and Shahbazgarhi. At this stage many of the characteristic features of the language have not yet developed, e.g. śr > ṣ, śv > śp.(2) The later Kharoṣṭhi inscriptions, mostly short, collected by Konow in the second volume of the Corp. Inscr. Ind.(3) The Kharoṣṭhi manuscript of the Dhammapada discovered near Khotan (Manuscript Dutreuil du Rhins).(4) The Kharoṣṭhi documents from Niya, representing the administrative language of the Shan-Shan kingdom in the third century A.D. In the Journ. As., 1912, pp. 337 ff., J. Bloch examined the dialectical peculiarities of the Manuscript Dutreuil du Rhins and showed that they appeared in modern times in the languages of the North-West.


2021 ◽  
pp. 78-92
Author(s):  
Robin Waterfield

The chief way in which the Greeks united in the third century in order to be able to offer resistance to Macedon was by forming large federal states. The two greatest of these were based in Achaea and in Aetolia, but both quickly spread well beyond these ethnic borders. “Aetolia” came to mean almost all of central Greece, and “Achaea” much of the Peloponnese. I discuss the differences between confederacies and the most familiar form of ancient Greek polity, the polis, and show how confederacies gained their strengths, before focusing on the structures set up by the Aetolians and Achaeans. By the time Antigonus came to the Macedonian throne, the Achaeans were on the rise, but the Aetolians were already a powerful threat. They had spearheaded the Greek repulsion of the Celts from central Greece, thus preserving Delphi, the most important of the Greeks’ common religious centers, and they used this as a springboard for further expansion. Antigonus treated them warily throughout his reign.


1911 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 56-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. F. Hill

With but two exceptions, no trace now remains of the shrines with which this paper deals, or at least no trace has been revealed by excavation. Practically the sole record of these buildings is to be found on the coins struck in the district during the period of the Roman Empire, and more especially during the third century of our era. The earlier coins, from the beginning of the coinage towards the end of the fifth century B.C., tell us something about the cults, but little of their furniture. But in the Roman age, especially during the time of the family of Severus and Elagabalus, there was a considerable outburst of coinage, which, in its types, reveals certain details interesting to the student of the fringe of Greek and Roman culture.The evidence thus provided is necessarily disjointed, and concerns only the external, official aspects of the Phoenician religion. The inner truth of these things, it is safe to say, is hidden for ever: even the development from the primitive religion to the weird syncretistic systems of the Roman age is hopelessly obscure. One can only see dimly what was the state of things during the period illustrated by the monuments.


1948 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 24-37
Author(s):  
J. M. C. Toynbee

Personal names of animals, mostly of dogs and horses, are, as everyone is aware, recorded in the literature and archaeological monuments of archaic, classical, and hellenistic Greece. A few examples must suffice here, by way of preface to our present study. The most familiar of Homeric named beasts is, of course, Odysseus' faithful hound Argos (‘Swiftfoot’: Od. 17, 292). Hector's steeds (Il. 8, 185) were Xanthos, Podargos, Aithon, and Lampos—Tawny, Swiftfoot, Flash, and Fire: Achilles drove Xanthos and Balios—‘Tawny’ and ‘Dapple,’ offspring of the mare Podarge (Il. 19, 400); and Menelaus yoked Agamemnon's mare Aithe (Bay) and his own horse Podargos (Il. 23. 295). Names of classical hunting-dogs are quoted in Xenophon's Cynegeticus (7, 5). In hellenistic times the best-known animal-name is that of Alexander's favourite charger Boukephalas (‘Oxhead’) (Strabo 15, I, 29; etc.). Theocritus records the names of two heifers, Lepargos (‘Whitecoat’) and Kymaitha (Plumpling ?) (4, 45–46), and of a bull, Phaethon (‘Brightcoat’) (25, 139): the author of Idyll 8 tells us of Lampourgos (Firetail), a sheep-dog (65); while among metrical epitaphs on dogs dating from this age we have that of Philokynegos (‘Chasseur’) of Pergamon, accompanied by a portrait of the deceased and dating, probably, from the third century b.c.


Author(s):  
Dmitrii Georgievich Volynkin

In the middle of the III century, the Roman Empire marked the advent of a prolonged crisis. In order to confront the barbarian invasions and usurpers revolt, military transformations, the Roman Empire was in needed for military transformations and revision of the military machine that has formed in the previous periods. In the late 250s – early 260s, the Emperor Gallienus created a mobile army corps, which in the ancient sources received a name of the “Dalmatian horsemen”. The following questions arise on the structure and size of this mobile corps. Relying on numismatic, narrative, and epigraphic sources, this article examines the changes in organizational and staffing structure of the Roman army in the middle of the III century; assesses the size and composition, and tasks of the Gallienus’ mobile corps. The author analyzes the opinions that have accumulated in the Russian and foreign historiography throughout 200 years, and develops a relevant perspective on the problem of creating a field army during the third century crisis.  The conclusion is made that the Emperor Gallienus had formed a strong mobile army. It was not just a cavalry, but was based on the vexilationes of the border legions of infantry and horsemen. Gallienus did not seek to create a permanent mobile army, being guided by the prevailing military and political circumstances. He used the mobile corps for retaining the controlled territories, repelled the barbarian invasions and suppressed the usurpers. Gallienus’ mobile army has proven to be an effective instrument in hands of the central government. Aurelian reinforced the army with additional detachments, and later on successfully used it against Palmyrene and Gallic separatists, having restored the unity of the empire.


The study of the Roman empire has changed dramatically in the last century. Emphasis is now placed on understanding the experiences of subject populations, rather than focusing solely on the Roman imperial elites. Local experiences, and interactions between periphery and centre are an intrinsic component in our picture of the empire’s function over and against the earlier, top-down model. But where does law fit in to this new, decentralized picture of empire? This volume brings together internationally renowned scholars from legal and historical backgrounds to study the operation of law in each region of the empire from the first century BCE to the end of the third century CE. Regional variation and specificity is explored alongside the emergence of common themes and activities by historical agents. When brought together, a new understanding of law in the Roman empire emerges that balances the practicalities of regional variation with the ideological construct of law and empire.


Author(s):  
Andrew Wilson

This chapter summarizes the archaeological evidence currently known for Roman water-mills, tracing the development and spread of water-powered grain milling over time across the Roman Empire. Problems of quantification and evidence bias, both documentary and archaeological, are addressed. In particular, it is argued that large discoidal millstones, formerly thought to derive either from animal-powered or water-powered mills, must come from water-mills, and that the idea of Roman animal-driven mills with discoidal millstones is a myth. This dramatically increases the amount of evidence available for water-powered grain milling, although very unevenly spread across the empire, and heavily dependent on the intensity of research in particular regions—good for Britain, parts of France, and Switzerland; poor everywhere else. The chapter also summarizes the state of knowledge on other applications of water-power—for ore-crushing machines at hard-rock gold and silver mines (by the first century AD), trip-hammers, tanning and fulling mills, and marble sawing (by the third century AD). The picture is fast-changing and the body of evidence continues to grow with new archaeological discoveries. The chapter ends with some thoughts about the place of water-power in the overall economy of the Roman world, and on the transmission of water-powered technologies between the Roman and medieval periods.


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