scholarly journals DID THE NONES PUT JOE BIDEN IN THE WHITE HOUSE? AN ANALYSIS OF THE VOTING PATTERNS OF THE RELIGIOUSLY UNAFFILIATED IN 2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-329
Author(s):  
Hunter Driggers ◽  
Ryan P. Burge
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
White House ◽  
Household Incomes ◽  
Religious Landscape ◽  
Religiously Unaffiliated

The fastest growing segments of the American religious landscape are atheists, agnostics, and nothing in particulars. In 2008, these three groups together (often called the Nones) represented 22% of the population, but just twelve years later their numbers surged to 34% of the populace. Given that one in three adults is a None, it stands to reason that they are having a growing influence on electoral politics. To that end, this analysis focuses on how those three types of unaffiliated Americans shifted their political ideology, partisanship and voting patterns from 2016 to 2020. The results indicate that Donald Trump’s baseline of support dropped among all types of Nones, and that the drop was especially acute for nothing in particulars who had high household incomes in 2020.

scholarly journals “I Was Going to Build a new Republican Party and a New Majority”: Richard Nixon as Party Leader, 1969–73

2005 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT MASON
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
White House ◽  
Richard Nixon ◽  
Modern Era

Richard Nixon gained a poor reputation as President for his work as leader of the Republican Party. His attitude towards the party was seen as neglectful at best, destructive at worst. It was clear that Nixon revelled in the details of electoral politics as far as his own position was concerned, but it seemed equally clear that he had little concern for the political fortunes of his party at large. Among the most partisan of American politicians during his earlier career, Nixon seemed to shrug off this partisan past when he reached the White House in 1969. But this understanding of Nixon's relationship with the Republican Party is in some respects misleading. Although it is true that his record provides significant examples of presidential neglect of the party, it also contains equally significant examples of presidential concern about the party's future. Few American Presidents of the modern era paid much attention to their responsibility for party leadership, so the nature of Nixon's support for the Republicans distinguishes him as a party leader of notable strength rather than notable weakness.

scholarly journals Political Ideology and Prioritization of Qualities for Boyfriends-to-be Among Thai Female University Students

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (10) ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
Kittisak Jermsittiparsert ◽  
Waurasit Poothong
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Statistical Significance ◽  
Percent Level ◽  
Pairwise Comparison ◽  
Private University ◽  
The Political ◽  
Personal Factors ◽  
Household Incomes ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Academic Year

This research aims to (1) examine the political ideology and prioritization of qualities for men to be chosen as a boyfriend, (2) compare such prioritization among individuals by considering their personal factors, including class years, majors, hometowns, parents’ occupations, and household incomes, and (3) test the relationship between the political ideology and such prioritization. The research is conducted by collecting data from 400 female students of a private university in Pathumthani, Thailand who registered in the final semester of the 2016 academic year. The data are collected via questionnaires, and statistically analyzed by finding the frequencies, percentages, means, and standard deviations as well as by adopting the methods of one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA), Tukey’s Pairwise Comparison Test, and Pearson’s correlation coefficient analysis, with the statistical significance set at the 5-percent level. The results show that overall the sample’s political ideology leans slightly towards liberalism, and the sample gives a moderate priority to the qualities of men to be chosen as a boyfriend. The quality to which the sample gives the top priority is the personal characters of the men. It is also found that the five personal factors also affect the prioritization of qualities for men to be chosen as a boyfriend, and that the political ideology and the prioritization of qualities for the boyfriend-to-be are only weakly related.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Lynn S. Neal
Keyword(s):  
Primary Sources ◽  
Fashion Industry ◽  
Early Twenty ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
Central Argument ◽  
Religious Landscape ◽  
Religiously Unaffiliated

This introduction describes the book’s fashion-focused approach to religion and its central argument. It sets up the concept of fashionable religion, which highlights how fashion constructs a specific vision of Christianity that celebrates beauty and wonder, innovation and enchantment. To establish this, the introduction provides an overview of the book’s primary sources and identifies how the book’s approach differs from existing scholarship on religion and dress. Rather than focusing on what religions do with or say about dress, the introduction highlights the importance of the fashion industry for thinking about the changing religious landscape of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, including the rise of spirituality and the increase in the religiously unaffiliated or “nones.”

scholarly journals Christian No More: Christian Americans are Threatened by Their Impending Minority Status

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosemary Lyn Al-Kire ◽  
Michael H. Pasek ◽  
Jo-Ann Tsang ◽  
Wade C. Rowatt
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Perceived Threat ◽  
Total N ◽  
Majority Group ◽  
Group Members ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Demographic Shifts ◽  
Religious Landscape ◽  
Christian Nationalism

Christian Americans are on track to become a minority of the U.S. population by midcentury. Research on racial demographic shifts shows majority-group members experience status threat when reminded of similar demographic changes. Public debate about religious freedom and the role of Christianity in America suggest that fast-changing religious demographics similarly elicit threat, and trigger defensive political stances, among Christian Americans. In two preregistered experiments (total N = 766 Christian Americans), reminders of religious demographic shifts evoked perceived threat to religious rights and freedoms, which in turn accounted for increases in Christian nationalism, conservative political ideology, and support for Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential election. Results illustrate how America’s fast-changing religious landscape can evoke threat for Christians and how this threat may influence political reasoning.

Crime, Perceived Criminal Injustice, and Electoral Politics

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ross L. Matsueda ◽  
Kevin Drakulich ◽  
John Hagan ◽  
Lauren J. Krivo ◽  
Ruth D. Peterson
Keyword(s):  
Indirect Effects ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
Measurement Properties ◽  
Direct And Indirect Effects ◽  
Perceived Injustice ◽  
Political Partisanship ◽  
Using Data

This chapter explores the effects of perceived criminal injustice on voting behavior as well as on other important outcomes. Using data from the 2006 ANES Pilot Study, the chapter begins by examining the measurement properties of a set of survey items tapping perceptions of criminal injustice and then incorporates those items into a model of voting behaviors, controlling for demographic characteristics, political efficacy, political ideology, and political partisanship. It reveals that perceived criminal injustice has systematic and theoretically meaningful demographic and attitudinal correlates. In addition, these analyses demonstrate that perceived injustice has both direct and indirect effects on turnout and vote choice, above and beyond the expected standard predictors.

The Democratic-Republicans before the Civil War: Political Ideology and Economic Change

1986 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-390
Author(s):  
John Ashworth
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Party System ◽  
Economic Change ◽  
Abraham Lincoln ◽  
Deep South ◽  
White House ◽  
Small Minority ◽  
Upper South ◽  
Sectional Conflict

When James K. Polk entered the White House in March 1845 all but a small minority of politicians acted and voted in accordance with the stated principles of one of two major parties. These parties were emphatically national in scope; each won support from all sections of the Union. Sixteen years later when it was the turn of Abraham Lincoln to enter the White House the situation was dramatically altered. Seven states from the Deep South had left the Union, four of the Upper South states were soon to follow. As the firing began at Fort Sumter, northerners of all parties rallied to the defence of the Union. A party system genuinely national in scope had been supplanted by sectional conflict that was about to erupt into Civil War.A key stage in this process occurred when northern Democrats challenged what seemed to be the increasingly evident southern dominance of their party. For many Democrats disillusionment did not come until close to the end of the decade. These Democrats remained within their party and supported Douglas in 1860. They were nevertheless by this time bitter in their denunciations of the South and the resolute defenders of the Union in the aftermath of secession.

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