scholarly journals Third Neighbor Policy Concept in Mongolia’s Geopolitics

Author(s):  
Bayasgalan Sanallkhundev

Since the 1900s when Mongolia fought for its independence, it was looking for an ally or a supporter on which it could rely on. One of the options was third neighbor. During the dramatic times Mongolia tried to approach Japan, as the closest possible country to have relation, and the U.S. as a country somehow caught its attention, to establish, if not diplomatic, at least trade relation. Third neighbor policy is unique, as it is associated only with Mongolia due to its unique geographic location. Looking for third neighbor, it is important for Mongolia to maintain balance between two big neighbors, and to have relationship with other developed countries. But the U.S. saw Mongolia not only as a young and a good example of democracy, and strategic partner, but also possible “ally” which lies between Russia and China. Third neighbor policy is not just an ordinary policy in foreign policy; it is a concept which is important for Mongolia, for a country which is sandwiched between two big nuclear Powers. With changing international environment Mongolia’s strategic importance never left behind. Here will be discussed that Mongolia’s third neighbor policy cannot be limited just with foreign policy or relationships with other countries. But it could have broader meaning from geo-strategic perspective, depending from international politics. I am arguing that third neighbor policy is more than just a foreign policy, it is a concept.

1980 ◽  
Vol 83 ◽  
pp. 490-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald Segal

The notion of a great power triangle composed of the U.S., U.S.S.R. and PRC, and the “card games” played within this geometric configuration, are now particularly prevalent in the field of international politics. It is the purpose of this analysis to study the relevance of the great power triangle concept for Chinese foreign policy. A primary assumption will be that an understanding of Beijing's previous policies in a tripolar system will be a useful guide to the policies and problems of the present. Therefore we will begin with a review of the development of tripolarity and China's past attitudes. We will then concentrate on some crucial aspects of the triangle, the difficulties facing the Chinese leaders, and some possible policy options derived from our focus on the great power triad.


2015 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-33
Author(s):  
Diana Jurgelevičiūtė

Abstract Strategic partnership between states is a reciprocal exchange built on mutual commitment. The significance of the United States to Lithuania is unquestionable. However, why should the U.S. care about Lithuania? The emphasis on the U.S. interests and policies allows ignoring the question about Lithuania’s engagement and input into the partnership. Therefore, this article asks how does Lithuania contribute to the strategic partnership with the U.S.? To be precise, does Lithuania support and pledge its allegiance to the U.S. when this support goes beyond the limits of direct responsibilities of strategic partner, or even enters into a conflict with other important responsibilities or interests of the state?


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Afrimadona Afrimadona

The paper evaluates the constructivist claim that legitimacy embedded in a country’s foreign policy shapes the responses of other countries’ foreign policy. I test the claim using four cases of Britain’s and Germany’s responses to US’s invasion in Iraq in 1991 and 2003. The choice of US’s invasion in Iraq in 1991 and 2003 was made on the ground that the latter was regarded as utterly illegitimate due to a lack of UN’s authorization. Thus, both cases reveal a variation in the extent of legitimacy (positive versus negative cases). My observation of Britain’s and Germany’s foreign policy responses is based on the fact that both countries are US’s allies. Thus, by examining allies’ responses to US’s invasion in Iraq in these two periods, I control for countries’ type of relationship with the US that may affect their behavior towards the country. My observation shows that only one out of the four cases (Germany’s response to US’s invasion in 2003) supports the claim that legitimacy is the main concern underlying states’ foreign policy response. In general, this study also suggests that legitimacy may matter under normal situation. During crises, however, states tend to be more pragmatic and power-based explanation seems more convincing.


2020 ◽  
Vol 04 (01) ◽  
pp. 47-66
Author(s):  
Dr. Tauqeer Hussain Sargana ◽  
Dr. Mujahid Hussain Sargana

This paper is an attempt to analyze the emerging international environment and assess the Foreign Policy of Pakistan to determine what it needs to focus on since the world has entered into new dynamics of international politics. The study makes the point that contestation of international politics had allowed transformation of political actors from one to another and reveals that the political dynamics of Cold War, post-Cold War with that of post 9/11 world order have accommodated the transformation from bipolarity to unipolarity, and onward to multipolarity as the contemporary phase of political order. Answers are surrounded with a question, how and why the above factions of politics undermined geopolitical relevance of Pakistan as leading state in the region while making it a client state to global competition. The appraisal is carried out by analyzing the emerging trends and drivers of the international environment, which is followed by Pakistan’s policies since the end of the cold war, the challenges it faces in the light of the emerging international environment, and suggested policy options. The study is deductive in nature and premises neoliberal ‘complex interdependence’ of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye (1977) to contest the very philosophical fabric of bipolarity, unipolarity and multipolarity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (009-010) ◽  
pp. 19-20
Author(s):  
Irina Akimushkina
Keyword(s):  

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