Revisiting “British Principle Talk”

Author(s):  
Gordon S. Barker

This chapter explores the meaning of fugitive slave freedom in Canada West during the antebellum and Civil War era by examining the legal framework relating to slavery and race that emerged in what is now modern-day Ontario. Changes in statutory law, jurisprudence, and British free soil diplomacy will be addressed, revealing the evolution of Canada West as a safe haven from which few fugitive slaves were taken by slave catchers or state-sanctioned extradition. The chapter discusses what freedom on the ground meant for early black Canadians in terms of political rights, access to courts, education, landownership, employment, religious worship, participation in the militia, and the enjoyment of public places and services. Particular attention is given to the agency exercised by fugitive slave refugees and other black Canadians in shaping their own freedom and building new lives for themselves and their children, in sustaining Canada West as a beacon of freedom for others still enslaved in the American South, and in combatting race prejudice, which at times differed little from that prevailing south of the border.

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Finkelman

The Captive's Quest for Freedom: Fugitive Slaves, the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law, and the Politics of Slavery


Author(s):  
Manzoor Naazer ◽  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Shughla Ashfaq

The paper scrutinizes the political rights situation during the first five years (1999-2004) of Pervaiz Musharraf era. Musharraf had come into power after army had revolted over his dismissal as army chief by the prime minister. He strove to project soft image of his government to get legitimacy within the country and recognition from the outside world, particularly the West. He portrayed himself as a liberal leader and later also propagated his idea of “enlightened moderation” as a panacea for the miseries of the Muslim world. Despite his overtures, the political rights situation became bleak during his military rule and no meaningful change took place even during the first two years after country returned to “democratic rule.” Musharraf government denied people of their political rights to prolong his authoritarian rule. His rule was characterized by: arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of political leaders; repression of political activities; imposition of forced exile; political victimization in the name of accountability; attacks on rights to elect the government; military’s direct grip over affairs of state despite transition to the civilian rule; intimidation of opposition over legal framework order; and limitations on freedom of association.


Author(s):  
Mekala Audain

In the mid-1850s, Texas slaveholders estimated that some 4,000 fugitive slaves had escaped south to Mexico. This chapter broadly examines the process in which runaway slaves from Texas escaped to Mexico. Specifically, it explores how they learned about freedom south of the border, the types of supplies they gathered for their escape attempts, and the ways in which Texas’s vast landscape shaped their experiences. It argues that the routes that led fugitive slaves to freedom in Mexico were a part of a precarious southern Underground Railroad, but one that operated in the absence of formal networks or a well-organized abolitionist movement. The chapter centers on fugitive slaves’ efforts toward self-emancipation and navigate contested spaces of slavery and freedom with little assistance and under difficult conditions. It sheds new light on the history of runaway slaves by examining the ways in which American westward expansion and the U.S.-Mexico borderlands shaped the fugitive slave experience in the nineteenth century.


2006 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-52
Author(s):  
Rachel Sarah O’Toole

In 1641, the rural guard of colonial Trujillio on the northern Peruvian coast, accompanied by “many Indians,” attacked acimarrón(fugitive slave) encampment led by twocongos,Gabriel and Domingo. Indigenous men wished to end the fugitives’ raids on their fields and families. Towards this end, they guided the Spanish lieutenant magistrate and his company to thecimarrónsettlement hidden in the hills above the Santa Catalina valley. Indigenous leaders and commoners of the Mansichereducción—or colonial indigenous village—who maintained lands in the Santa Catalina valley, testified that“negroscimarrones” (fugitive “blacks”) had been assaulting local inhabitants and stealing from valley since 1633. Yet, Mansiche reducción had not registered a previous complaint indicating that fugitive slaves and indigenous people in Santa Catalina had not to this point been antagonistic.


Author(s):  
Carol Wilson

The Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, although in effect less than two decades, was one of the nation’s most controversial federal laws. Designed to provide southern slaveholders with greater assistance in the return of runaway slaves, it angered northern whites and blacks, divided communities, and yet still failed to assuage slaveholders’ concerns. Designed to calm sectional tensions as part of the Compromise of 1850, the law propelled the nation closer to war. Both the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution and the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 affirmed the rights of slaveholders to claim enslaved people who escaped into free states or territories. But enslaved people continued to seek freedom, and over time the number of those willing to aid them grew, eventually developing into the loosely organized network known as the Underground Railroad. Slaveholders, especially in the Upper South, annually lost an untold number of slaves to escape. Not all freedom-seekers were successful, but the costs were great nonetheless. To slaveholders, every escaped slave who made it North represented a loss of hundreds of dollars, and perhaps more importantly, spurred others to follow in his or her footsteps. Often associated with states’ rights ideology, white southerners demanded and eventually got what some scholars have called the greatest exercise of federal power before the Civil War. The enhanced federal Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 expanded on the earlier law in several important ways. It created a new position of commissioner who was appointed, not elected, and was paid ten dollars each time he sent an accused fugitive into slavery, only five dollars if he found the claim to be insufficient and ordered the accused released. The act also strengthened the penalties for helping fugitives escape or interfering with rendition; it explicitly stripped all rights from the accused; and stated that bystanders could be called upon to assist in slave recapture. Response to the law varied. Enslaved people continued to escape bondage. Fugitives living in the North and even free blacks felt threatened and organized for self-defense; thousands left for Canada. Abolitionists, black and white, protested in writing and speeches; some engaged in bold rescues of individuals claimed as fugitives. Many white northerners abided by the law, although for others the idea of being turned into de facto slave catchers pushed them toward opposition. Rather than settle the issue of fugitive slaves, the Law served to divide the nation further.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 470-491 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Bateman

I offer a new perspective on the history of American democratization, tracing the evolution of conflict over black suffrage from the disenfranchisements of the early Republic to efforts to secure equal voting rights in the pre-Civil War era. I draw on case studies and new data on state politics to substantially expand our descriptive understanding of the ideological connotations of African American political rights. In contrast to existing literature, this study identifies a transformation in how positions on black suffrage polarized along party lines. It also offers a new interpretation for this racial realignment, presenting evidence that legislators responded less to the electoral consequences of black voting than to efforts of party leaders and social movements to frame its denial as necessary for national unity, a pragmatic accommodation to racist public opinion, or as complicity in slavery and a violation of republicanism. Integrating earlier periods of disenfranchisement and antislavery activism recasts standard party-driven accounts of Reconstruction-era enfranchisements as the culmination of a long process of biracial social movement organizing, enriching our understanding of how both electoral and programmatic concerns contribute to suffrage reforms and of the process by which conflict over citizenship has at times become a central cleavage in American politics.


Author(s):  
Diane Miller Sommerville

Aberration of Mind is a social history of suicide in the American South during the Civil War era. The book casts a wide net, focusing on Confederate soldiers and veterans and their families, and the enslaved and newly freed. The central question is, how did the Civil War and the suffering it generated shape suicidal thoughts and behavior? The author seeks to understand how the suffering experienced by southerners living in a war zone contributed to psychological distress that, in extreme cases, led southerners to contemplate or act on suicidal thoughts. The unprecedented human toll the war took on southerners created a psychological crisis that has not been fully explored. Drawing on sources like letters, diaries, military service records, coroners’ reports, and asylum patient case histories, the work recovers myriad stories, previously hidden, of individuals exhibiting suicidal activity or aberrant psychological behavior linked to the war and its aftermath. In addition to expanding our understanding of the full human costs of the Civil War, the book concludes that southerners transformed the meaning of suicide from an act of cowardice to a heroic symbol of white southern identity. The book fills a neglected niche in an otherwise crowded field of Civil War scholarship – the psychological impact of war and defeat on southerners.


Author(s):  
Yolanda Carmela Vaccaro Alexander

Los ciudadanos latinoamericanos que residen en España disfrutan de un marco legal diferenciado respecto de lo que atañe a los residentes procedentes de otras zonas en el marco de los lazos históricos y culturales que unen España y Latinoamérica reflejados en la legislación española. España mantiene suscritos convenios de Doble Nacionalidad con la mayor parte de países latinoamericanos. Y, desde 2009, ha suscrito tratados de reciprocidad en materia de sufragio en elecciones locales con diferentes países, la mayor parte de ellos latinoamericanos, tratados que permitieron que en las elecciones locales celebradas en España el 22 de mayo de 2011 los latinoamericanos concernidos pudieran ejercer el derecho al voto activo en España por primera vez sin necesidad de haberse acogido a los mencionados convenios de Doble Nacionalidad. La encuesta «Ciudadanía inmigrante», analizada en este artículo y realizada para la tesis doctoral «Derechos civiles y políticos de los residentes latinoamericanos en España. El derecho de sufragio», de la doctoranda autora de este artículo, da pautas sobre la percepción de los latinoamericanos residentes en España en torno a los derechos civiles y políticos y sobre su comportamiento respecto de los citados comicios de 2011.Latin American citizens residing in Spain enjoy a distinct legal framework compared to other foreign residents. That difference is based on the historical and cultural relations between Spain and Latin America. Spain has agreements on dual nationality with most Latin American countries. Starting in 2009 Spain has signed several reciprocity agreements about the right to vote in local elections with several countries, most of them in Latin America. On May 22, 2011 many Latin American citizens residing in Spain could exercise their right to vote in the Spanish local elections for the first time without having dual citizenship. The «Immigrant Citizenship» survey, analyzed in this article and developed for the doctoral thesis «Civil and Political Rights of Latin American Residents in Spain. The right to vote», provides guidance on the perception of Latin American living in Spain about civil and political rights and their behavior with respect to said elections.


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