Otto Kirchheimer - Gesammelte Schriften

2021 ◽  

The sixth and final volume of this edition of Otto Kirchheimer’s (1905–1965) collected works is titled Politische Analysen für das OSS und Department of State (Political Analyses for the OSS and the Department of State) and consists of 19 reports that Kirchheimer produced for the United States government between 1944 and 1953 and the article A Constitution for the Fourth Republic, which was published in 1947. Most of the works presented in this volume are being made accessible for the first time and provide an insight into the analyses Kirchheimer produced for the US intelligence community. They include a wide range of topics from the immediate abrogation of Nazi laws during the Allied occupation and the developing political life of the young West German democracy to the emerging German Democratic Republic and the communist unions and parties of Western Europe. An elaborate introduction sheds light on the complex institutional structure of the intelligence services within which he conducted his career, and a special bibliography lists his further contributions to the intelligence community. The volume is also accompanied by a comprehensive glossary of key terms and names. It will appeal to scholars and students of political science, law, German history, criminology and sociology.

2003 ◽  
Vol 12 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 207-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Gerteis

AbstractDuring the 1950s, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) led a global covert attempt to suppress left-led labor movements in Western Europe, the Mediterranean, West Africa, Central and South America, and East Asia. American union leaders argued that to survive the Cold War, they had to demonstrate to the United States government that organized labor was not part-and-parcel with Soviet communism. The AFL’s global mission was placed in care of Jay Lovestone, a founding member of the American Communist Party in 1921 and survivor of decades of splits and internecine battles over allegiance to one faction or another in Soviet politics before turning anti-Communist and developing a secret relation with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) after World War II. Lovestone’s idea was that the AFL could prove its loyalty by helping to root out Communists from what he perceived to be a global labor movement dominated by the Soviet Union. He was the CIA’s favorite Communist turned anti-Communist.


Author(s):  
John H. Flores

This book examines the political, labor, and assimilation history of Mexican immigrants in metropolitan Chicago during the first half of the twentieth century. Beginning in the mid-1920s and extending into the years of the Great Depression, the New Deal, and the Cold War, Mexican immigrants engaged in a wide-range of political activism, and their political beliefs were shaped by the Mexican Revolution. Mexican immigrant political activists included men and women, middle-class businessmen and professionals, and blue-collar laborers from urban and rural backgrounds. Over time, Mexican immigrants formed distinct conservative, liberal, and radical transnational societies that competed with each other to mold the identities and influence the political beliefs of the broader Mexican, Mexican American, and Latino populations of Chicago and Northwest Indiana. Initially, Mexican conservatives, liberals, and radicals all defined themselves as patriots loyal to the Mexican state, but over the course of the 1920s and 1930s, profound political events in Mexico and in the United States led the conservatives to become the most critical of the Mexican state and the most amenable to U.S. naturalization. While the liberals and radicals tended to decline U.S. citizenship, conservative Mexican Catholics become U.S. citizens in great numbers, and they did so because they sought to protect themselves from both the anticlerical policies of Mexican government and from the deportation policies of the United States government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis A. Bojórquez-Tapia ◽  
Germán Ponce-Díaz ◽  
Daniela Pedroza-Páez ◽  
Antonio J. Díaz-de-León ◽  
Francisco Arreguín-Sánchez

The fishing bycatch of the loggerhead sea turtle (Caretta caretta) epitomizes the challenges of designing fisheries management strategies to protect highly migratory, endangered species. We present here the case of turtle bycatch in the Gulf of Ulloa, Mexico, in which conservation advocacy groups requested the United States Government to apply the legal provisions for preventing fishing bycatch of protected living marine resources (PLMR). Because these provisions implied the possibility of trade sanctions, the Mexican government had to devise policies equivalent to those imposed on the United States’ fleet. While conservation advocacy groups claimed that the effect of fishing bycatch was proven, the federal fisheries agency disregarded the facts for political reasons. Evidently, there was a need for a practical approach to address this highly contested policy-making problem characterized by limited data, deep uncertainties, and urgency for results. Our goal here is to present the implementation of an exploratory modeling rationale to tackle this sort of complex socio-ecological technological problem. We focused on identifying the bycatch level at which the environmental authorities would be compelled by law to act in protecting the loggerheads. We combined ecological risk analysis and area-oriented multiple-use framework to evaluate a wide range of plausible scenarios consistent with the available data. Results identified the bycatch level that indicated a potential critical transition to a low resilience state of the loggerhead population, and the proper multiple-use management scheme. Our findings were used to formulate regulations aimed to set a bycatch cap and a refuge area for the loggerhead population in the region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Leigh A. Payne ◽  
Andreza Aruska de Souza Santos

Who is entitled to have rights? This essay examines how right-wing movements attempt to prevent individuals, especially women and members of LGBT groups, from accessing equal rights through the use of terms such as “moral worth” and “family values.” At the core of our discussion of the backlash against social rights in Latin America is the need to compare and contrast the case examined here with similar movements outside the region. The vast enterprise of studies on right-wing movements in Western Europe rarely travels outside a few national boundaries. Eastern Europe and the United States are occasionally included. For the most part, right-wing movements are not seen as comparable. Sometimes the reason for excluding Latin America is expressly stated, particularly because the historical experiences are so distinct—for example, the long duration of personal or military dictatorships. Interpretations of right-wing movements in Latin America by scholars outside the region tend to view them as associated with the period of authoritarian rule in the 1970s and 1980s or misunderstand them as having little impact on political life (Meyer and Staggenborg 1996, 1630). Analysis within the region has tended to focus on right-wing political parties, religious groups, or the military (Fortes 2016, Goldstein 2019; Hunter 1997; Luna and Rovira 2014). There are few studies of right-wing movements comparing regions. Latin America is thus seen as largely irrelevant to the comparative study of right-wing movements.


1964 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 580-581
Author(s):  
William H. Lewis

Under the auspices of the U.S. Department of State, the Ford Foundation, Georgetown University, and the African-American Institute, more than 75 scholars and other specialists convened at the Shoreham Hotel, Washington, D.C., to exchange views on problems of political and social change in francophone Africa, and to discuss them with a much wider audience of government officials and diplomats from Africa, Western Europe, Canada, and the United States. The programme, the first of its kind ever held in the United States, was organised and directed by Dr William H. Lewis of Georgetown University.


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