allied occupation
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2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adi Putra Surya Wardhana

This study aims to describe the propaganda of bushido ideology in the film Djagalah Tanah Djawa published during the Japanese occupation era. Japan had limited natural and human resources to face the Allies in the Pacific War. Java was seen as a region capable of meeting Japanese needs. Propaganda was needed so that the Japanese internalized the bushido ideology to the Javanese population. Some research problems are (1) the form of bushido ideology deeply held by the Japanese people; (2) the function of Japanese propaganda on Java; (3) the meaning of bushido ideology represented by the Propaganda Film Djagalah Tanah Djawa during the Japanese occupation. The research used the historical method. The research shows that bushido ideology influenced the whole outlook of life and social practices of Japanese society, especially during the Pacific War. This ideology was internalized in the propaganda film Djagalah Tanah Djawa. Its function was to attract Javanese people to be willing to take part in the Japanese program. The meaning stated that victory over the Allied occupation could only be achieved if the Javanese people made sacrifices and cooperated with Japan to realize “New Java”.’ Thus, Japan could dominate the consciousness and unconsciousness of the Javanese population.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942110184
Author(s):  
Benjamin Uchiyama

This article explores the moral panic that erupted in Japan in 1950 over a robbery committed by a Japanese male teenager during the Allied occupation. Labeled by the press as an example of ‘after-war,’ the specific details of the ‘Oh, Mistake’ Incident and the varied public reactions it generated reveals the many ways Japanese people ascribed particular understandings of war, defeat, and occupation through the prism of juvenile delinquency. A close examination of the public outcry illuminates deep-seated Japanese anxieties over not only the future of juveniles traumatized by war and defeat, but also how some of them were able to construct new forms of hybrid identities and even language through Nisei impersonation and broken English during the tumultuous setting of defeated Japan.


2021 ◽  
pp. 113-135
Author(s):  
Mikiya Koyagi

Using industry publications and American archival documents from the Allied occupation period, chapter 5 focuses mainly on railway accident prevention measures to illustrate that railway operations required a perfect alignment of sociopolitical, technological, and environmental pieces. The material structure of the railway alone was insufficient to achieve the production of safe, speedy, and stable movement of trains. Seeing speed as corruptible through human behavior and perfectible through human endeavor, technocrats of the IRO and the Allied forces tried to contain its danger by reforming the embodied practice of movement among workers. They enacted safety regulations and sought standardization in many realms, specifying mundane physical motions of workers for particular procedures. The chapter also suggests that workers were not passive objects of reform but used their knowledge of the infrastructural system for goals different from those of technocrats.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (65) ◽  
pp. 521-526
Author(s):  
Fumihiko SUNAMOTO ◽  
Osamu OBA ◽  
Hiroyuki TAMADA ◽  
Satoru KAKU ◽  
Joji OSADA ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  

The sixth and final volume of this edition of Otto Kirchheimer’s (1905–1965) collected works is titled Politische Analysen für das OSS und Department of State (Political Analyses for the OSS and the Department of State) and consists of 19 reports that Kirchheimer produced for the United States government between 1944 and 1953 and the article A Constitution for the Fourth Republic, which was published in 1947. Most of the works presented in this volume are being made accessible for the first time and provide an insight into the analyses Kirchheimer produced for the US intelligence community. They include a wide range of topics from the immediate abrogation of Nazi laws during the Allied occupation and the developing political life of the young West German democracy to the emerging German Democratic Republic and the communist unions and parties of Western Europe. An elaborate introduction sheds light on the complex institutional structure of the intelligence services within which he conducted his career, and a special bibliography lists his further contributions to the intelligence community. The volume is also accompanied by a comprehensive glossary of key terms and names. It will appeal to scholars and students of political science, law, German history, criminology and sociology.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 464-494
Author(s):  
Dario Pasquini

This article compares Italian and German memory cultures of Fascism and Nazism using an analysis of Italian and West- and East-German satirical magazines published from 1943 to 1963. In the early post-war period, as a consequence of the anti-Fascist and anti-Nazi policies in Italy and in Germany that had been put into effect by the Allied occupation authorities, a significant part of the Italian and German public felt anxiety regarding the Fascist and the Nazi past and feared these past regimes as potential sources of contamination. But many, both in Italy and Germany, also reacted by denying that their country needed any sort of ‘purification’. This article’s main argument is that the interaction between these two conflicting positions exercised different effects in the three contexts considered. In Italy, especially during the years after 1948, the satirical press produced images that either rendered Fascism banal or praised it, representing it as a phenomenon which was an ‘internal’ and at least partly positive product of Italian society. I define this process as a sweetening ‘internalization’ of Fascism. In East Germany, by contrast, Nazism was represented through images linking the crimes committed in the Nazi concentration camps, depicted as a sort of ‘absolute evil’, with the leadership of the FRG, considered ‘external’ to ‘true’ German society. I define this process as a ‘demonizing’ externalization of Nazism, by which I mean a tendency to represent Nazism as a ‘monstrous’ phenomenon. In the West German satirical press, on the other hand, Nazism was not only ‘externalized’ by comparing it to the East German Communist dictatorship, but also ‘internalized’ by implying that it was a negative product of German society in general and by calling for public reflection on responsibility for the Nazi crimes, including West Germany as the Nazi regime’s successor. The demonization of the regime also played a crucial role in this self-critical ‘internalization’ of Nazism.


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