Armed Conflict, Displacement, Gender-based Violence in Africa and Anomie: The Case of Darfur

Author(s):  
Kabahenda Nyakabwa
Author(s):  
Olha Hurenko ◽  
Nataliia Matseiko

The concept of «gender-based violence» essence, which recognized as an extreme manifestation of the individual rights and freedoms violation and as reproduction mechanism of society gender system, which based on uneven powerful relationships between women and men in the society and characterized by the egalitarian attitudes absence has been revealed in the article. Manifestation features of the phenomena and their varieties have been outlined. The fundamental difference between the concepts «gender-based violence», «domestic violence» has been defined. The Ukraine state social politics of gender-based violence prevention and opposition based on international and national legal framework has been analyzed. The current information about trends of this negative phenomenon spread within the country, including considering the consequences of the armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine has been listed.  Problems and prospects of the struggle with gender-based violence in Ukraine in the context of social work have been defined. And priority among which are improvement of reaction measures at the stages of violence facts detection and further support to the victim or the offender; setting-up systematic correctional work with perpetrators of violence or with perpetrators belonging to a risk group for its commission, the interdepartmental interaction of subjects of prevention and opposition this phenomenon; activating the system of preventive influences to the younger generation's consciousness and society in general to the direction of tolerance, mutual respect, opposit to gender role attitudes and stereotypes.


Author(s):  
Vaughn Rossouw

Abstract Discrimination and sexual and gender-based violence committed against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LGBTQI) detainees remains one of the most pressing contemporary humanitarian challenges. This article focuses on the interpretation of the phrase “or any other similar criteria” as contained in Article 3 common to the four Geneva Conventions, upon which adverse distinction is prohibited, in order to qualify sexual orientation and gender identity as prohibited grounds of adverse distinction. The interpretation of “or any other similar criteria” will be embarked upon by employing the general rule of treaty interpretation provided for in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, so as to qualify sexual orientation and gender identity as “any other similar criteria” and ultimately to realize the protection of LGBTQI detainees against discrimination and sexual and gender-based violence during non-international armed conflict.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 715-721 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Bergeron ◽  
Carol Cohn ◽  
Claire Duncanson

As feminists who think about war and peacebuilding, we cannot help but encounter the complex, entwined political economic processes that underlie wars’ causes, their courses, and the challenges of postwar reconstruction. For us, then, the increasing academic division between feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist (international) political economy (FPE/FIPE) has been a cause for concern, and we welcomed Politics & Gender’s earlier Critical Perspectives section on efforts to bridge the two (June 2015). We noticed, however, that although violence was addressed in several of the special section's articles, war made only brief and somewhat peripheral appearances, and peacebuilding was all but absent. While three contributions (Hudson 2015; Sjoberg 2015; True 2015) mentioned the importance of political economy in the analysis of armed conflict, the aspects of war on which the articles focused were militarized sexualities (Sjoberg 2015) or conflict-related and postwar sexual and gender-based violence (Hudson 2015; True 2015).


Author(s):  
Pascha Bueno-Hansen

This chapter examines the struggles and gaps between the protagonism of rural Andean women, or campesinas, and the priorities of the human rights and feminist movements in Peru as they try to address the ever-growing number of victims and survivors of the internal armed conflict. The armed conflict pitted the armed forces versus the Shining Path; both sides demanded allegiance from rural communities. From the beginning, campesinas were at the forefront of local efforts to denounce human rights violations and address the needs of affected people with the help of church groups and human rights advocates. Peruvian human rights and feminist movements presented the strongest potential for taking on the defense of campesinas' rights. This chapter considers how social exclusions marginalized campesina voices in the transitional justice process and how and why, despite campesina protagonism and human rights and feminist movements' best intentions, the gender-based violence directed at campesinas during the armed conflict slipped through the cracks. It also looks at the founding of the Women for Democracy, or Mujeres por la Democracia (MUDE), in 1997.


Author(s):  
Pascha Bueno-Hansen

This book examines how social inequality functions within Peru's transitional justice process by focusing on the gender-based violence that occurred during the internal armed conflict of 1980–2000. It considers how Peruvian human rights and feminist movements, the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Committee (PTRC), and a feminist nongovernmental organization—the Estudio por la Defensa de los Derechos de la Mujer, or Study and Defense of Women's Rights (DEMUS)—negotiated between implementing international human rights law and holistically addressing gender-based violence. It also explores how gender norms influence what violations the Peruvian human rights movement, and later the PTRC, prioritize; how gender norms influence dominant representations of women in the PTRC public hearings and sexual violence legal cases; and how the temporally bound nature of transitional justice exists in tension with the continuum of violence. Finally, the book discusses the influence of other social factors, such as ethnicity, language, class, and culture, on gender-based violence during the internal armed conflict.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-122
Author(s):  
Evelyn W. Kamau

AbstractThe increased domestication of international core crimes like genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes has placed national prosecutors and judges on unfamiliar ground. Specifically, though very welcome, the recognition of acts of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) as constituting core international crimes poses a further challenge. The circumstances surrounding the commission of SGBV as international core crimes, coupled with their unique elements and manner of proof, makes their domestic prosecution seem that much more difficult. An understanding of how acts of SGBV constitute international core crimes, their constituent elements and the manner of proving them, coupled with how to treat victims and witnesses of SGBV, goes a long way in easing the perceived challenge of domestically prosecuting them. This article is geared towards achieving that and is directed at people who are involved in or are considering carrying out domestic prosecutions and adjudications of SGBV as international core crimes.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 368-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer J. Mootz ◽  
Sally D. Stabb ◽  
Debra Mollen

The high prevalence of gender-based violence (GBV) in armed conflict has been documented in various national contexts, but less is known about the complex pathways that constitute the relation between the two. Employing a community-based collaborative approach, we constructed a community-informed socioecological conceptual model from a feminist perspective, detailing how armed conflict relates to GBV in a conflict-affected rural community in Northeastern Uganda. The research questions were as follows: (1) How does the community conceptualize GBV? and (2) How does armed conflict relate to GBV? Nine focus group discussions divided by gender, age, and profession and six key informant interviews were conducted. Participants’ ages ranged from 9 to 80 years ( n = 34 girls/women, n = 43 boys/men). Grounded theory was used in analysis. Participants conceptualized eight forms of and 22 interactive variables that contributed to GBV. Armed conflict affected physical violence/quarreling, sexual violence, early marriage, and land grabbing via a direct pathway and four indirect pathways initiated through looting of resources, militarization of the community, death of a parent(s) or husband, and sexual violence. The findings suggest that community, organizational, and policy-level interventions, which include attention to intersecting vulnerabilities for exposure to GBV in conflict-affected settings, should be prioritized. While tertiary psychological interventions with women and girls affected by GBV in these areas should not be eliminated, we suggest that policy makers and members of community and organizational efforts make systemic and structural changes. Online slides for instructors who want to use this article for teaching are available on PWQ 's website at http://journals.sagepub.com/page/pwq/suppl/index


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald Aldytia Bunga

<p><em>The vulnerable groups often become the victim of adverse party of armed conflict. Women is included in there. Women in armed conflict are affected directly or indirectly by the conflict, including gender based violence like rape, forced impregnation, or forced prostitution. In addition, armed conflict also affects the gender relation related to women, for example women become the breadwinner as the result of lost of husband due to the conflict. this research aimed to discuss on the impact of armed conflict on women, how international humanitarian law protects women in armed conflict and how the implementation of that protection.</em></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-41
Author(s):  
Catherine Akurut

This review examines the appropriateness of including men within the existing sexual and gender-based violence programming in armed conflict settings rather than providing services explicitly designed to address their needs. A central premise of the paper is that men experience sexual violence differently to women and that the way they seek help also varies. This gender-specific difference calls into question why humanitarian organisations pursue a ‘gender-inclusion’ approach, which simply extends services designed for women to men. There is a need to reconsider this approach, and specifically its implementation. The paper reviews relevant secondary sources and argues that current practices of sexual and gender-based violence programming fail to translate into actionable responses suited for and sensitive to men.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-81
Author(s):  
Susan Risal

The prolonged transition and the long awaited journey for justice for a decade has led to increased anger and frustration among women who survived gendered violence during the Nepali armed conflict (1996-2006). During April 2017-May 2018, a case study fieldwork was conducted with women who survived conflict-related sexual violence during the armed conflict in Nepal. Using a critical theory framework and case study methodology, this research sought to understand how the women who faced gender based violence during the conflict era of Nepal define dignity and justice from their own lived experience and consequently, their needs for reparations. Ultimately, with resulting interventions by presenting these women’s voices and needs to the truth seeking commissions, other government bodies, and national and international organizations working with conflict affected women, women’s quest for dignity, justice and needs could be addressed. The findings of this study have also expanded the body of knowledge and best practices for reconciliation in contexts where gender based violence has been used as a weapon of war.


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